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You might justly claim this Volume, since it is to you that 
we owe the splendid edition of the original Syriac. I have the 
further pleasure of offering it you, as a slight acknowledgment 
of the assistance I have derived from you in my studies. 

Believe me to be, 

Yours very truly, 

OXFORD, FIB. 1860. 


JL HE Ecclesiastical History of John, Bishop of Ephesus, 
was discovered by Dr. Cureton among the Manuscripts 
obtained by the British Museum from the convent of 
St. Mary Deipara, in the desert of Scete, and published 
in the original Syriac at the Oxford University Press in 
1853. It was then his intention, as he mentions in the 
Preface, to have also undertaken the task of making its 
contents generally available by means of an English trans 
lation ; but as more important labours have hitherto pre 
vented the fulfilment of this duty, it has now, with his 
consent, been undertaken by myself, and I am alone re 
sponsible for the correctness with which it has been ac 

The chief value of this history will be found in its being 
contemporaneous with the events which it records; and 
as the author was resident at Constantinople, and a busy 
actor in the scenes which he describes, he had the best 
opportunity of obtaining accurate information : but, on the 
other hand, it refers to a comparatively late period of the 
Church, and one to which no special importance has been 
attached. Still, as a picture of the manners and feelings of 
the latter half of the sixth century, it will not be without 
interest to the ecclesiastical student ; especially as the 
Eastern Church shortly afterwards was brought into col 
lision with Mahometanism, and much new information is 
given us respecting the Christian Arabs of Ghassan, who 

a 2 


would naturally be the representatives of Christianity] to 
their countrymen. 

The history, as originally composed, consisted of three 
parts, of which the first, as our author tells us, commenced 
with the reign of Julius Caesar; but as it was probably no 
thing more than an abridgment of Eusebius, its loss is not 
much to be regretted. The second part must have contain 
ed many interesting particulars of the later emperors, and 
especially of Justinian, but the extracts from it preserved 
in the Chronicle of the Jacobite Patriarch, Dionysius, are 
principally concerned with a record of earthquakes and 
pestilences. From one or two of them, however, we learn 
almost the sole facts respecting our author upon which we 
can depend. The third,, of which the present work is a 
translation, was written under the pressure of great diffi 
culties, owing to the persecution to which John of Ephesus 
and the sect to which he belonged were exposed, and is 
consequently of a fragmentary character ; for the leaves, 
he tells us, on which from time to time he inscribed a 
short narrative of passing events, had to be entrusted to 
various friends for concealment, and he never found time 
afterwards to reconstruct his work. 

The extracts above referred to, and which will be found 
in Asseman s Bibl. Or. ii. 83-90, inform us that John of 
Ephesus was born at Amid, a city in the north of Mesopo 
tamia, probably about A. D. 516; and as Syriac was the 
language spoken by his countrymen, it was employed by 
him in writing this history for their use. We subsequently 
find him at Constantinople, where for thirty years he en 
joyed the friendship of the Emperor Justinian, and was 
employed by him in various important offices. .Especially 
we are informed that he was sent on a mission in A. D. 542 
to the heathens in the provinces of Asia, Lydia, Caria, and 
Phrygia ; and so energetically did he labour among them, 
that in the space of four years he baptized no less than 
seventy thousand persons. To this mission he also refers 


in the 230th and following pages of the present volume ; 
and from Ephesus, the capital of the district, he took his 
title of Bishop. 

On his return to Constantinople in A. D. 546, the Em 
peror confided to him the still more serious duty of making- 
search there for such persons as, while professing to be 
Christians, practised in secret heathen rites : and so many 
men holding high offices in the state were detected by him, 
that the Byzantine historians, though they have not pre 
served his name, yet record the general consternation 
occasioned by these discoveries. Among the guilty were 
many even of patrician rank, as well as grammarians,, so 
phists, scholastics, and physicians ; but, above all, Phocas, 
the prefect of the city, was informed against, and, hopeless 
of escape, destroyed himself by poison ; and his corpse, by 
the emperor s command, was thrown into a ditch, without 
the rites of burial. The rest were commanded to assemble 
in a church, where our author was appointed to instruct 
them in the doctrines of the Christian religion ; and his 
lessons were enforced by an edict, which, besides other 
penalties, fixed the period of three months as the limit, 
beyond which their conversion must not be delayed. 

In the present volume we have some further information 
given us respecting the heathen, and especially an account 
of some remarkable events which occurred in the reign of 

A short notice of our author is also found in Gregory 
Bar-IIebrseus (apud Ass. B. 0. ii. 329), who says that 
after S. Anthimus, John was made bishop of the Ortho 
dox at Constantinople : but this statement must be re 
ceived with caution. We learn indeed from his description 
of himself in page 53, that he had the entire administration 
of their revenues both at Constantinople and the districts 
adjacent to it, and consequently he must have exercised 
great influence among his party, and may even have been 
regarded as their chief. But the whole tenor of his nar- 


rative is inconsistent with the supposition of his being in 
any sense their patriarch, and if any one can be said to 
have succeeded S. Anthimus, it was T heodosius, the exiled 
patriarch of Alexandria. 

As the name of John is borne by many writers of this 
pt-riod, it has been a subject of inquiry whether some one 
of them may not have been identical with our author. But 
after going over much the same ground as Dr. Land, in his 
work entitled, k John of Ephesus, the first Syrian Church- 
historian/ I have come to the same negative conclusion. 
Should any be sufficiently interested in the subject to wish 
for the particulars, I cannot do better than refer them to 
his interesting volume. 

For the easier understanding of our author s pages, it 
may be necessary to add, that he was a Monophysite : and 
though his party are not to be confounded with the fol 
lowers of Eutyches, whom they anathematized by name, 
yet they refused to receive the council of Chalcedon, at 
which he was condemned, on the ground of its being 
tainted with Nestorianism. As men s minds were greatly 
embittered at this period by the disputes which had arisen 
respecting our Lord s nature, it was found impossible to 
enforce general obedience in the East to the council s de 
crees : and thus John s party held a sort of intermediate 
position, not being condemned by their opponents as he 
retics, and yet being separated from their communion. 
As they professed themselves ready to obey the teaching 
of the Fathers generally, and especially, as Kenaudot tes 
tifies in his History of the Alexandrian Patriarchs (p. 14tf) 
to accept every thing which John Chrysostome and Cyril 
had taught/ they claimed as their peculiar right the ap 
pellation of Orthodox, and by this name are distinguished 
in the following pages. 

As regards the translation, it seemed scarcely possible, 
from the fragmentary character of the original, and the 
frequent loss of leaves, to give merely a verbatim rendering, 


and I have therefore endeavoured to connect the various 
facts by inserting a few lines here and there, so as to carry 
the reader over the breaks in the narrative, and occasion 
ally I have brought together scattered chapters relating 
to the same event. In all cases I have marked where the 
author s own words begin, by placing the reference to book 
and chapter in the margin : but in comparing the transla 
tion with the original, it must be kept in mind, that if the 
heading was more full than the opening words of the chap 
ter, I have inserted the additional matter. These headings, 
which occur twice in the original, occasionally with some 
slight discrepancies, I have confined to the commencement 
of the volume. As the style of our author is heavy and 
cumbrous, I have also frequently been compelled to break 
up his sentences into periods of moderate length, and also 
to retrench many synonymous words, and even sentences ; 
but in so doing, I have been careful to omit nothing which 
had not been said before. In a book, abounding in words 
not to be found in any lexicon, and which requires almost 
as great a knowledge of the Greek of the Byzantine histo 
rians as of the language in which it is written, errors and 
mistakes may naturally be expected, and will readily be 
excused : but I have done my best to give the exact sense 
of the author, as far as possible, in his own words, and 
yet in such a form as to prevent the perusal of him occa 
sioning unnecessary weariness to the reader. 

OXFORD, March, 1860. 

[xxiii. For the convenience 

For the convenience of those who may wish to 
read the original Syriac, I append a Table, 1. of 
Errata, and 2. of Emendations. 


P. 11. 1. 17, for . .tK read 

P. 12. 1. 2, for Aur^u^=3.i read 

P. 15. 1. 22, for ^i.ixra.i read 

P. 27. 1. 19, for KS\n-i read 

P. 30. 1. 15. for K^cmn read 

P. 33. 1. 23, for ndr..i read 

P. 34. 1. 13, for K&.TJ^.I &cu.vwA read 

P. 38. 1. 24, for q \c\r<to . ^ca read 

P. 55. 1. 11, for .usa^jo read 
P. 58. 1.5, for rd rdisfl^ read 
P. 87. 1. 21, for ^OJOT read 
P. 101. 1. 16, for r wucxa&r< read 
P. 126. 1. 13, for nrt*ia read 
P. 127. 1. 11, for rcftui*. read 
P. 133. 1.5, for^un^^n read 
P. 139. 1. 13, for rdatsaoi read 
P. 183. 1. 24, for redo read relic. 
P. 212. 1. 20, for relsn\ read 

xxiv ERRATA 

P. 214. 1. 24, after crA insert 

P. 239. 1. 16, for oaa>i^n read 

P. 240. 1. 15, for pc&T^rdaa read 

P. 243. 1. 18, for o^=> read ^^ 

P. 257. 1. 15, for r\cn* read 

P. 264. 1. 21, for ncH^ read 

P. 268. 1. 2, for rdx*ioo> read 

P. 277. 1. 1, for pdAoW:i read rdi 

P. 279. 1. 8, for -ruji&pa read 

P. 294. 1. 19, for rdj.ncu*. read 

P. 303. 1. 14, for >aj read 

P. 310. 1. 24, for ^rc^ read 

P. 326. 1. 22, for rc isarc&nd^.i read 

P. 350. 1. 15, for i^j?9 read . 

P. 369. 1. 3, for v.iJ.o read 


P. 3. 1. 18, for #ii..i read v\ii..i. 

P. 3. 1. 19, for **a.i3 read 

P. 5. 1. 2, for A>OI read AO.I . 

P. 5. 1. 4, for Klma-v^.i read 

P. 6. 1. 22, for r<dUx** read 

P. 7. 1. 11, for ##4jnA read 

P. 7. 1. 12, for p^ -i^ja^.i read rc iosa^-.i. (?) 

P. 14. 1. 1, for nfiioA for r<iiaA . 

P. 42. 1. 4, for ^Asa^vsL-sa ^r^ the margin reads 


P. 57. 1.11, for ttS^flo*** read 

P. 57. 1. 12, for ####*Artfi read 

P. 57. 1. 15, for rjo##*.i read 

P. 73. 1. 7, for ^ware s the margin reads 

P. 104. 1. 11, after r n^si&o add f -ifco. (?) 

P. 116. 1. 11, for vc**=>&s3 read ji^^&ea. 

P. 159. 1. 12, for r^H\i the margin has 

P. 178. 1. 24, for r^ io read KlnHt. (?) 

P. 210. 1. 21, for rc*iv\q)cu read 

P. 213. 1. 18, for ^rcto the margin has 

P. 246. 1. 21, the margin explains that r*cn is a 

nominal verb derived from rc&cuicn . 
P. 264. 1. 23, for ^->i i y&$L5a the margin has 

P. 276. 1. 9, for rdi^aL*. the margin has 

P. 316. 1. 17, for jia^iaLrcfo read jan^ ^. 

P. 321. 1. 10, for ^DPC read arf. The MS. is here 

indistinct, but probably arc is its reading. 
P. 330. 1. 23, the margin explains 

by co &tsa^oa=> . 

P. 334. 1. 21, for rf.ia^o read rc^v 
P. 343. 1. 8, for ins read probably 
P. 353. 1. 2, for ^iu^So read 
P. 357. 1. 8, for rc^rc read Kli*^. 
P. 360. 1. 17, after ^infeo.i insert 
P. 376. 1. 10, for U^ftih read 


P. 405. 1. 9, for rdu^i^oocia read 
P. 408. 1. 1, for CDcAJ^jo.t read 
P. 409. 1. 10, for nc Wsa read 


P. 148. 1. 15, for ii. 48. read ii. 51. 

P. 160. 1. 16, read : The next chapter (ii. 45.) 
treated of the Condobaudites, and will be found 
in page 65 : and the next (ii. 46.) of the apo 
stasy of the Cappadocian monks. 

P. 170. 1. 12, for mitre read orarium : which was 
a sort of tippet worn over the shoulders by 
priests and deacons when officiating at the com 
munion, and by bishops at all times. See Du 
Cange, under copdpiov, and Morini Comm. de 
Sacris Ecclesiae Ordin. p. 174. 

V. 3 






CHAPTERS i, 2, 3, are lost. PAGE 

Ch.4. Quotations from the books of the prophets relating 
to the distress which at this time happened in the 
church of God 3 

5. Upon the bitter suffering caused by the sudden up 

rooting (lege I^QJC.^*) of all the congregations of 
the church of the believers in the capital .... 4 

6, 7, 8, 9, are lost. 

i o. Upon what was done in the convents of men and wo 
men by the barbarous violence of the persecution. 6 

1 1 . Concerning John the bishop of the city, and the deeds 

wrought by the urgency of his wickedness . . . . 8 

12. Upon the priesthood of the Orthodox, which John 

annulled, without purpose, or respect to justice, 
and in violation of the canons, and ordained them 
anew in the priesthood of the Synodites, that is, of 
those who believe in two natures n 

13. Upon a night vision, which happened to a worthy 

monk as a revelation of what was quickly about ac 
tually to be done openly i a 

14. Concerning Paul, bishop of Asia 13 


15. Concerning bishop Elisha 17 

1 6. Concerning bishop Stephan, whom John similarly wished 

to depose and consecrate afresh 1 8 

17. Upon their sending for and summoning the bishops 
from the monasteries and places in which they were 
imprisoned 22 

1 8. Upon the rebuke and admonition which John received 

from the bishops whom he had brought together and 
imprisoned, because of his annulling their laying on of 
hands, and conferring it afresh in violation of law, and 
contrary to all the rules and regulations of the Church 
of God . . . 24 

19. Upon the edict which the illustrious king Justin made 28 

20. Shewing, that after twenty clean copies of the edict had 

been written out, he sent the first, signed with his own 
hand, to those who were in prison 32 

21. Shewing that John protested to the bishops, saying, 

See now that it is you who prevent the unity of the 
Church. . . ... 33 

22. Shewing that the bishops were blamed and found fault 
with, even by the chief men of the orthodox party, be 
cause of their obstinacy and refusal to give way for the 
sake of unity 34 

23. Upon the disputation and distress of the bishops them 
selves and of their people 36 

24. Upon the last disputation held, and the treacherous and 

lying oaths ... ..... .. ; .. .. 37 

25. Upon the grief and contrition of spirit which overtook 

the bishops, because they had submitted to and united 
themselves with the communion of John, and the other 
Dyophysites of his party 42 

26. Shewing that when the king learnt thereof, he sent for 
them, and had them brought to the palace, and com 
forted them V. .. .. .. .. 43 

27. Shewing that subsequently the king returned from the 
warm baths, and concerning the schedule that was 
sent them, etc. 44 


28. Shewing that when these things were made known to 
the king, and he was angry, he commanded that all the 
princes should assemble, and that the bishops should be 
tried by them in the bishop s palace 46 

29. Shewing that according to their orders they assembled 
at the bishop s palace, and that the bishops were sum 
moned to trial ibid. 

30. Containing the writer s defence against those who fall 

into an unfounded idea respecting him 48 

31. Concerning Conon, the head of the heresy of the Tri- 

theites 52 

32. Concerning Photius, and his conduct 66 

33. Concerning the Sophists and Scholastics, and Naucleri., 

and others, who in the middle of the persecution were 
summoned and went to the capital from Alexandria . . 69 

34. Concerning all the chiefs of the clergy of the orthodox, 

who were next arrested, and sent to the capital . . 70 

35. Concerning some Egyptian monks,, who also were sum 

moned to the capital to foretell things future . . . . ibid. 

36. Upon the monasteries of men and women, which, after 
they had been treated violently, and some few had 
yielded, finally returned to their faith 71 

37. Relating that John before his death was questioned by 

the Christ-loving Csesar respecting the orthodox . . 72 

38. Shewing that even while John lived, the congregations 

of the orthodox finally grew in strength, and rose up 74 

39. Upon the monastery, called Cathara, in the land of 
Bithynia 73 

40. Upon the Synodite bishops of Alexandria 77 

41. Upon the bishops at Antioch from Flavianus and Severus 78 

42. Upon the bishops at Constantinople during Justinian s 
reign 82 


i. Showing that when the bishops saw that they had lied 
unto them, they separated and abandoned the commu 
nion of the Dyophysites 84 


2. Concerning Paul the patriarch, and the writing which 

he made, and which was found out 85 

3. Concerning Stephan, bishop of Cyprus ; and the sum 

mons of Paul, and his journey to the capital from his 
place of exile, and subsequent flight 22, 87 

4. Concerning John, Superintendent of the heathen . . 90 
j. Concerning the trials which came upon John . . . . 92 

6. Concerning a vision, and no dream, but a reality, which 
was seen by John in his affliction 93 

7. Concerning the imprisonments and second banishment 

of the said John 9^ 

8. Concerning the flight of Paul from the episcopal palace 88 

9. Concerning the praiseworthy Andrew, the queen s cham 

berlain and pursebearer, and the conflicts which he un 
derwent ... +* . ioo 

i o. Concerning the merciful queen Sophia, who was orthodox 1 05 

11. Concerning three consuls, who also behaved bravely, 

and stood firmly in the truth . f 106 

12. Concerning two noble ladies, who also behaved bravely, 

and courageously stood firm 109 

13. Concerning Sergius, and Sergius, the presbyters, and 

the conflicts which they underwent no 

14. Concerning Andrew, who was imprisoned 112 

15. Concerning the diaconate of those who tend the sick, 
who are thrown out into the streets of the city . . . . r 1 4 

1 6. Concerning another and different diaconate . . . . 115 

17. Shewing that now a persecution was stirred up every 
where 117 

1 8. Concerning what was related at the capital by the Ca- 

tholicus of Dovin, a city of the greater Armenia in the 
Persian dominions, and by the other bishops who were 
with him . . ...... *&/. 

19. Concerning what was said by the Magi to Khosrun 
their king, and put in execution . .. 119 

20. Concerning the commencement of the provocation of 

the Christians in the Greater Armenia by the king of 
the Persians, etc. . . . . 120 


2 i . Shewing what was afterwards done by Khosrun in Pers- 
armenia, and how they revolted from him, and the 
whole land surrendered itself to the Romans . . . . 124 

22. Concerning the narrative of the Catholicus and his 

companions, etc. 125 

23. Shewing that at first, on the arrival of the Armenian 
bishops at the capital, they went, in their simplicity, 
and communicated in the church of the Synodites . . 1 26 

24. Showing what was subsequently done after the Arme 

nians had surrendered themselves (to the Romans), 
and that owing to their extreme numerousness we 
omit arrd pass by the narrative of these events . . . . ibid. 

25. Concerning the dread and severe chastisement of God s 

righteous judgment, which in the height of the perse 
cution quickly overtook both sides alike 130 

26. Concerning the humiliation and torture which overtook 
John of Sirmin, and that he was chastised by a devil 
all the days of his life, because it was he who set on 
foot a merciless persecution 132 

27. Showing, that when John was persecuting, he rooted 
out and took down all the pictures of the orthodox 
fathers from all the monasteries, and fixed up his 
own 134 

28. Concerning Theodulus, the deacon, who was also a 
violent persecutor of Christians,, and of the righteous 
sentence of retribution which also overtook him,, when 
tortured by misfortune 136. 

29. Concerning the king s qusestor, whose name was Ana- 
stasius 139 

30. Showing that as the churches of the orthodox were 

rooted up in the persecution by the Synodites, so shortly 
afterwards those which the Synodites themselves pos 
sessed were, similarly treated by a certain just sentence; 
the altars of the churches throughout all Thrace, and 
up to the city wall, being rooted out and stripped by 
the barbarians, and they fled from before the face of 
the barbarians 141 


31. Upon the summons and arrival at the capital of the 
patriarch Eutychius after the death of John . . . . 142 

32. Concerning what was said by the archdeacon of Rome 

in the presence of the king canonically with boldness 
concerning John and Eutychius before the arrival of 
the latter 1 43 

33. Showing that when Eutychius was recalled, it was sup 
posed by every one that he would not be permitted to 
return and occupy the see, until a synod had been as 
sembled and sat and examined every thing that had 
been done by him and John unto one another . . . . 145 

34. Concerning the images of John which Eutychius took 
down, and his relatives, all of whom he humbled and 
ejected ibid. 

35. Concerning the books of the Quaternity, that is, the 
two natures after the union, which Eutychius composed 
when in exile 146 

36. Showing that Eutychius was perverted to the view of 
the heresy of the Athanasians, who say that these 
bodies do not arise, but others arise in their stead . . 147 

37. Showing that when Eutychius was murmured at and 
ridiculed and reviled by every one, he thought that he 
was only reviled by the orthodox 150 

38. Concerning Fravianus, the slave of Andrew, who had 
been originally the queen s pursebearer 131 

39. Concerning a sister a nun, and the courageous conflicts 

she underwent, and was victorious and triumphant in 

all of them 152 

40. Concerning the Antiphon for Thursday in Passion-week, 

which Eutychius wished to alter, and which from an 
cient custom was part of the service in all churches, 
and substitute his own 155 

41. Concerning what finally happened to John, called 

Superintendent of the heathen, after all his trials . . 157 

42. Concerning the injured Paul of Asia, who was deposed 

from the episcopate 14 


43. Showing that John endeavoured by a crafty artifice to 

consecrate Paul again, of which attempt we here record 
only a short summary 16 

44. Concerning Deuterius, who succeeded Paul as hishop of 

the orthodox 159 

45. Concerning the sect of those who are called Condobau- 

dites, after the name of the monastery in which they 
assembled . . 65 

46. Concerning the monastery of the Cappadocian monks 76 

47. Concerning the confused and troubled orthodoxy which 
prevailed in the monasteries 1 60 

48. Concerning a marvellous sign manifested in some ani 
mals, that is, some elephants 161 

49. Concerning a conflagration which took place at the 
capital 1 63 

^o. Explaining the reason why possibly the account of one 
event will be found recorded in a confused manner in 
several chapters ibid. 

51. Showing that while Eutychius originally belonged to 

the heresy of the Samosatenians, he finally gave him 
self up to other heresies 148 

52. Showing that Eutychius was opposed to the phrase, 

" Thou that wast crucified for us" 156 


1. Concerning the commencement of the book 165 

2. Showing that when the king gave way, and betook 
himself to evil courses, chastisement was sent down 
upon him from God for his good 1 66 

3. Concerning the means employed for the king s amuse 
ment, etc 1 69 

4. Concerning what was said of the king s temptation . . 170 

5. Concerning the appointment of the God-loving Tiberius 

as Caesar, etc n . . . . i / 1 

6. Concerning the end of king Justin, and the reign of the 
merciful Tiberius 176 


7. Concerning queen Sophia, etc 178 

8. Concerning the wife of Tiberius Caesar, whose name 
originally was Ino, etc 179 

9. Concerning the arrival of the Caesar s wife at the palace, 

after he had begun to reign, etc. . . 181 

10. Concerning the queen Sophia, and what happened 
afterwards .... 183 

1 1. Concerning the commencement of the reign of Tiberius 185 

12. Concerning the manner in which the Caesar was an 
noyed by the patriarch John .. .. 187 

13. Concerning the persecution commanded against here 
sies for the following reason .... . . 188 

14. Concerning the Hypatia of king Tiberius, etc 189 

15. Concerning the persecution which was stirred up against 
heresies, and also against the orthodox 192 

1 6. Concerning the uprooting of the congregation which 
assembled at the church in the Marianum 194 

17. Concerning the patriarch Eutychius himself, etc. .. 195 

18. Concerning the patriarch Eutychius himself, and his 
P ride ...... .. .... .... 197 

19. Concerning the opposition he made to the phrase, 

"Thou that wast crucified for us" 198 

20. Concerning the heat and bitter bile and utter hatred 
entertained by Eutychius against the whole party of the 
orthodox . . ^ 200 

2 i . Showing that the victorious king, in whose nature was 
nobleness and humility, though occupied with the cares 
of the wars, did not often give way to persecution, ac 
cording to the wish and urgency of the persecutors . . 201 

22. Concerning the gentleness of king Tiberius ..... 202 

23. Concerning the buildings which king Tiberius erected 

in the palace 203 

24. Concerning Justin s Pharos, which king Tiberius rooted 

U P 204 

25. Concerning the trials occasioned by the numerous wars 

which surrounded king Tiberius from the time he was 
made Caesar .. t f . . ............ ... 207 


26. Concerning the Romans and Goths who were Arians, 

and asked for a church to be given them 207 

27. Concerning the audacious doings of the heathens, and 
what was justly stirred up against them 209 

28. Concerning what was done at Edessa respecting the 
heathen 210 

29. Concerning the tumult, and what was done at Antioch 

the Great after these things .. 213 

30. Concerning what was done and carried on at the capital 

in the matter of the heathen 215 

3 1 . Concerning the riot at the capital from the zeal of the 
Christian people because of the quest after the heathens ibid. 

32. Concerning the entry of the king into the city, and 
what happened afterwards .. ..-..... 220 

33. Concerning what was subsequently done in the trial of 

the heathens 222 

34. Concerningthe quest subsequently made after the heathen 224 

35. Concerning the bitter murder of Eustochius, bishop of 
Jerusalem, which was perpetrated by his slave . . . . 227 

36. Concerning the great monastery newly built in the land 

of Asia by John, Superintendent of the heathen, in a 

mountain of (near) the city of Tralles 229 

3 7 . Concerning the opposition and trials which arose against 
the said monastery of Derira (? Erira), through the 
envy of the evil one 232 

38. Concerning the sudden death of Eutychius 233 

39. Concerning John, who, from being the pursebearer of 
the former (John), was subsequently chosen (to be 
patriarch) . . ., .., . 234 

40. Concerning Mondir, the son of Harith, and the accusa 
tion against him 236 

41. Concerning the visit of Mondir to Magnus, and his 
arrest, etc 238 

42. Concerning the four sons of Mondir, and what they did 240 

43. Concerning the second journey thither of Magnus, and 

the death which overtook him, and put an end to his 

wicked plots 241 

C 2 


44. Concerning the peace and short respite which the 
orthodox enjoyed at the capital. 

45. Concerning the famine which suddenly happened at the 

46. Concerning the excessive mortality of children. 

47. Concerning king Tiberius, and the time of his death. 

48. Concerning king Tiberius purpose of bringing about 
unity in the church. 

49. Showing that king Tiberius wife from ignorance hated 

the orthodox. 

50. Concerning the three queens who dwelt at one time in 
the palace after the death of Tiberius. 

5 1 . Concerning John, who was patriarch after Eutychius. 

52. Concerning the mercifulness and liberality of the patri 
arch John. 

53. Concerning the struggles of the patriarch John against 
the heathen. 

54. Concerning the imprisonment of Mondir, and his ban 

ishment from the capital to a distant place of exile. 

55. Concerning one of the princes of Mondir whose name 
was Sergius, a believer, who was also sent into exile. 

56. Concerning the arrival of Noman, the son of Mondir, 

at the capital. 


The first four chapters and part of the fifth are lost. 

6. Concerning the barbarian people of Nubia, who were 
instructed in Christianity, together with the cause of 
their being instructed 251 

7. Concerning the arrival of the blessed Julian and his 

companions in the land of Nubia, and their reception, 
and the other things which they there accomplished by 
the help of God .. .. .. 253 

8. Showing that when the blessed Theodosius departed 
from this world, he remembered this people, and com 
manded that Longinus should be immediately made 


their bishop, and sent thither, inasmuch as Julian also 

was dead 256 

9. Concerning what was written to Longinus by Theodo- 
sius, arch presbyter, and Theodore, archdeacon, of the 
clergy of the church of the orthodox at Alexandria . . 258 

10. Concerning two bishops, John and George, who at that 
time had been sent from Syria to Longinus, and con 
cerning Theodore, who fell into temptation . . . . 259 

1 1 . Concerning those things which malignantly and savagely 
and confusedly, and contrary to all canonical order, 
were done by the Alexandrians after these things, to 
gether with the consecration of Peter 264 

12. Showing that though the question had not been taken 
into consideration, and examined by them as orderly 
men, whether the former (bishop) had been appointed 
in a fitting and orderly manner, (or not,) they con 
secrated a second 268 

13. Concerning Theodore, the first bishop, who, against his 

will, was appointed and consecrated upon compulsion 271 

14. Concerning Paul the patriarch, spoken of above, and 
concerning the unfounded idea respecting him, and his 
deposition contrary to rule by Peter, who was himself 
appointed unseasonably 272 

15. Concerning the division and quarrel, which by the in 

stigation of Satan took place between Jacob and Paul, 
contrary to the rule of propriety 273 

1 6. Concerning the deposition of Paul by Peter, who was 
the second consecrated (to the see), contrary to jus 
tice, and the entire canonical order of the church . , 277 

17. Concerning the arrival finally of the blessed Jacob at 

Alexandria, and the rest of his acts .278 

i 8. Concerning the departure of the blessed Jacob and the 

other bishops who were with him from Alexandria . . 280 
19. Concerning the division and quarrel and schism which 
ensued not only in Syria, but also in Cilicia and Isau- 
ria and Asia and Cappadocia and Armenia, and especi 
ally at the capital, etc 282 


20. Concerning the message sent by Paul the patriarch to 
Jacob, respecting an inquiry and canonical examination 

of the charges brought against him 283 

2 1 . Concerning the zeal and earnestness of. Mondir, son of 

Harith, king of the Arabs 284 

22. Concerning the journey of Longinus, and Theodore, 
whom he had made pope, into the regions of Syria, 
and to the side of the Paulites 285 

Chapters 23-29, and the commencement of the 3oth, are 

3 i . Showing that there were divisions also in most of the 
chief monasteries, and that being at variance, they 
parted and withdrew, some standing up for the Paul 
ites, and some for the Jacobites . . . . 288 

32. Concerning the meetings of numerous abbots, and the 

message they sent to Jacob, and the bishops who were 
with him . . . . 289 

33. Showing that an impulse suddenly seized upon the old 
man Jacob to go to Alexandria, and that on his journey 

he departed from the world 290 

34. Concerning an unfounded idea and full of wickedness, 
which some persons imagined and gave utterance to, 
respecting the sudden death of the blessed Jacob and 
his companions, who, having no fear for the account 
they must give for every idle word, spread, abroad a 
report, that some Paulites forsooth murdered the old 
man Jacob and his companions with stones . . . . 292 

35. Concerning the three ambassadors who, in the year 888, 

were sent to confer about a peace upon the marches, 
and who strongly took the side of Paul 293 

36. Concerning Mondir, the son of Harith, king of the 
Arabs, and all his hordes, who were grieved and vexed 

on account of the Pfiulites and Jacobites 294 

37. Concerning the second journey of the clergy of Alex 

andria to the capital, and their imprisonment in mo 
nasteries . . , . . . 295 


38. Concerning the death of Theodosius, archpresbyter, and 
Ecclesiecdicus of the church of the Alexandrians, who 
died in imprisonment at the monastery of Nitria . . 296 

39. Concerning the journey of Mondir., the son of Harith, 
king of the Arabs, to the capital, and what was done 
by him there in his zeal because of the schism between 

the Jacobites and Paulites ibid. 

40. Concerning the meeting, and promises of peace and 

union made by the two parties to one another by the 
mediation of the illustrious Mondir 298 

41. Concerning Damianus, a Syrian, who also, contrary to 
canonical order, was appointed patriarch at Alexandria 
after Peter 300 

42. Concerning the departure of the Alexandrian clergy, 

and subsequently of Mondir himself from the capital. . 304 

43. Concerning Damianus, and his falsehood, and the up 
setting which he iniquitously brought about of the 
peace made at the capital ; and concerning the clergy 
who also turned round and were false to their 
promises . . . . - 306 

44. Concerning what was done also in the land of Syria, 

occasioned by the letters of Damianus, without order, 
and contrary to the laws of the church 308 

45. Concerning the letters of the monasteries in the east in 

their own handwriting to John of Ephesus, who was 
dwelling at the capital, inviting him to communion with 
the patriarch, whom they had consecrated ibid. 

46. Apology of the author, showing that he writes without 
partiality or passion towards either party . . ... . . 310 

47. Showing that Paul finally went and hid himself in a 

mountain of Isauria in a cave, as they said, for four 
years, without intercourse with any one 312 

48. Concerning Theodore, who was made pope of Alexan 

dria by Longinus and the rest . . . . 313 

49. Concerning the commencement of the conversion to 

Christianity of the people whom the Greeks call Alo- 
dsei, who are supposed by us to be Cushites ... . . 315 


50. Concerning those who were sent by the Alexandrians 

to the people of the Alodaei 317 

51. History of the journey of the blessed Longinus to the 
land of the Alodaei, and of their joyful conversion and 
baptism by him 319 

52. Concerning the letter of the king of Alodsea to the king 

of Nubia . . .,. 320 

53. Part of a letter of bishop Longinus 321 

54. Concerning the concealment of Paul the patriarch .. 327 
35. Concerning Theodore, who was made pope of Alexan 
dria by Longinus 328 

56. Concerning the journey of pope Theodore to the island 

of Cyprus . . ibid. 

57. Concerning the end of Paul the patriarch, how it was 329 

58. Concerning the decea se of Paul and Jacob, how it hap 

pened to them both one after the other in a troubled 
manner 332 

59. Concerning what after their death was said and done 
by the parties of the Paulites and Jacobites, who were 

at variance with one another 333 

60. Concerning the journey of Peter, who had been conse 

crated in Syria, to Alexandria 334 

61. Concerning the congress of the bishops of both parties, 
etc., who for a year, more or less, contended and de 
bated with one another 335 


1. Concerning the commencement and time when the Tri- 

theites began the laying on of hands, and took mea 
sures, that their bishops might fill all quarters with 
their impudent and polluted heresy 52 

2. To the same effect, namely, that they consecrated and 

sent everywhere numerous bishops of their party . . 54 

3. Concerning the sectaries of the heresiarchs Conon and 

Eugenius . . i ibid. 

4. Concerning the release of Conon from exile . . . . 55 


5. Concerning the division of the Cononites into two 
heresies 56 

6. Concerning the journey of both parties to the land of 
Pamphylia, to pervert it, and the death of Eugenius 
there 57 

7. Concerning the message sent to Conon by John of Asia 
at the capital, and the cause of his (Conon s) journey 
thither 59 

8. Concerning the imposture of the Tritheites, who, by a 
crafty artifice, professed to wish for union, but did not 

do so in reality 61 

9. Shewing that they were guilty of the same at Alexan 

dria and also in Syria 62 

TO. Concerning the great book of lacerations (catena of ex 
tracts) which the Tritheites tore out and put together 63 
i i . Concerning the meetings of the bishops of the Tri 
theites 64 

12. Concerning a solitary bishop of the Tritheites, who re 

turned to the Orthodox, and made an act of recantation, 
and anathematized them ibid. 

13. Concerning the time of the reign of the victorious king 

Maurice, which according to the rule of propriety ought 
to have been written at the head of the book, but it did 
not so occur 349 

1 4. Concerning king Maurice, and his marriage banquet, and 

his son, whom afterwards he begot in the palace, etc. 351 

15. Concerning those whose habit it was, on pretext of the 
faith, to fall upon men, and rob and steal the goods of 
others, and who did not rest quiet till they had in 
formed the king about the Orthodox 352 

r6. Concerning the persecution of the Church of the Arians 354 

17. Concerning Gregory, bishop of Antioch, and his jour 

ney to the capital, and the request he made to the king 225 

18. Concerning the parents, and brothers, and sisters, and 

very numerous relatives, whom king Maurice sent for 
and brought to the capital, and enriched and ennobled 
them 355 


19. Concerning Domitianus, metropolitan of the city of Me- 
litene, a relative of the king 

20. Shewing that when Maurice began to reign he found 
the palace emptied of its treasures, and came into great 
trouble and distress 357 

21. Concerning the disturbers, and persecutors, and plun 
derers of others, who constantly were annoying the 
ears of king Maurice, and the rest of his court . . . . 358 

22. Concerning the rebuilding of the desolate city of Ara- 
bissus in Cappadocia, which was king Maurice s native 
town 361 

23. Concerning the destruction by an earthquake two years 
afterwards, more or less, of the rebuilt town of Ara- 
bissus 363 


1 . Concerning the commencement of the book . . . . 366 

2. Concerning the war conducted by the patrician Mar- 

cian, and what subsequently happened to him . . . . 367 

3. Concerning the causes of the king s wrath against Mar- 

cian, in respect of Mondir, king of the Arabs . . . . 370 

4. Concerning the king s letters to Marcian and Mondir 372 

5. Concerning the march of the king of the Persians, and 

the capture of Dara, in the year 884, etc. . . . . 379 

6. Concerning the capture of the city of Apamsea, and the 
devastation wrought that year, while the Persian king 

sat before Dara 385 

7. Concerning two thousand beautiful virgins, who, at the 
king s command, were selected to he sent as a present 
to the barbarians, and the wonderful and astonishing 
act which the virgins committed in their zeal for 
Christianity - 3^7 

8. Concerning the short truce which was made at that 

time for three years in the provinces of Syria, and the 
expedition of the king of the Persians into the territory 
of the Romans, that is, into Armenia and Cappadocia ,391 


9. Concerning the burning of Melitene, and the subsequent 
events 395 

10. Concerning what finally happened to the Romans in 

Persarmenia 398 

IT. Concerning the Persarmenians who had given them 
selves up to the Romans 402 

12. Concerning the ambassadors of the Romans and Per 
sians, who met on the part of the two realms upon the 
borders, mutually to judge of and examine all the mat 
ters on account of which wars had been stirred up, and 

for which they blamed one another 403 

13. Concerning the inroad which the Persians made into 

the Roman territories, immediately, at that very time 406 

14. Concerning Count Maurice, etc., and the stratagem and 

inroad of the Persians .... . . . . . 408 

15. Concerning the subsequent actions of Maurice .. .. 411 

16. Concerning Mondir, the son of Harith, and Maurice, 

how after these things they invaded in concert the 
Persian territories . . . . 413 

17. Concerning a Marzban of the Persians, who crossed 

over, and burnt the district of Tela a second time, and 
that of Edessa, and Haran, etc . . . . . 414 

1 8. Concerning Mondir, the son of Harith, and his vic 

tory .. .. 4 5 

19. Concerning what was done by the captives imprisoned 

in Antioch, which Khosrun built in Persia, and has 
imprisoned there all his captives from the Roman terri 
tory unto this day ibid. 

20. Concerning the death of Khosrun, king of the Persians, 

and of the duration of his reign, etc 417 

a i . Showing that Khosrun gave proof that he was sorry 
and vexed at the rupture of the peace between the 
kingdoms, and that even after much devastation had 
taken place in both realms, he wished to reestablish 

peace, and made many concessions 420 

22. Concerning the son of Khosrun, king of the Persians, 

who reigned after him, and whose name was Hormuzd 423 


23. Concerning the reasons whence the ill feeling originally 

arose, and the peace was broken between the kingdoms 424 

24. Concerning a base people who are called Avars . . . . 428 

25. Concerning the people of the Slavonians, and the de 

vastations which they committed in Thrace, in the 
third year of the reign of the serene king Tiberius . . 432 

26. Concerning the battle of the Romans and Persians, 
which happened before the city of Tela, on a day of 

the month Haziron, in the year 892, as follows ; . . 433 

27. Concerning Maurice, who was over all the generals in 

the East 435 

28. Concerning a battle which took place in Armenia, and 

the other matters administered and done there . . . . 437 

29. Concerning a certain Persian impostor,, who gave him 

self out as the king s son 439 

30. Concerning Sirmium, a great city in the kingdom of the 
Gepidae, which the Avars took by violence . . . . 442 

31. Concerning the journey of Narses the Spatharius . . 443 

32. Showing that finally when what they hoped did not 

come to pass, the city of Sirmium was given up to 
these barbarians 444 

33. Concerning the burning of Sirmium, which happened 
subsequently 445 

34. Concerning the record of numerous wars, and finally 

of the war conducted by count Maurice, and the cap 
ture of Arzun ibid. 

35. Concerning another fort which Maurice built opposite 

Sophene, the name of which is Shemkoroth . . . . 446 

36. Concerning another fort, the name of which is Ocba, 
which is situated on the Chalat, in the land of the 
Persians , 447 

37. Concerning an ambassador of the Persians, who hap 
pened at that time to be sent to the king of us the 

.38. Concerning the journey of an ambassador of the Ro 
mans, to confer with the king of the Persians about a 


39. Concerning the Persian ambassador, who was sent a 
second time to the king of the Romans. 

40. Concerning the immense devastation wrought during a 
long period by the two states against one another. 

41 . Concerning the rise and subsequent fall of the princi 
pality of the Roman Arabs. 

42. Concerning some of the princes of the Arabs, who went 
and surrendered themselves to the Persians. 

43. Concerning some famous princes among the Persian 

Marzbans,who were taken prisoners, and sent in chains 
to the capital. 

44. Concerning another war in the third year (of Maurice), 

and the victory which God gave the Romans. 

45. Concerning the base people of the barbarians, who from 

their long hair are called Avars. 

46. Showing that the Avars made an expedition, and cap 
tured numerous important cities and forts. 

47. Concerning the terror and commotion which fell upon 

Constantinople, while we also were there. 

48. Concerning the capture and laying waste of the land of 
the Slavonians. 

49. Concerning the laying waste of the city of Anchialus, 

and concerning the warm baths there. 




DURING the reign of Justinian, the empress 
Theodora, a devoted member of the Monophysite 
party, had built and endowed at Constantino 
ple numerous monasteries, in which she placed 
bodies of monks drawn chiefly from the Asiatic 
provinces of the Roman empire. Fostered by 
the empress they naturally were looked upon 
with displeasure by the patriarchs of Constanti 
nople, whose authority they disowned ; for al 
ready their own organization was complete, and 
from the death of Severus, patriarch of Antioch, 
A. D. 542, to the present day, there has been 
maintained in the East a succession of Mono 
physite patriarchs, to whom all the members of 
the party owe allegiance. But as lesser evils 
close at hand are more felt than greater ones at 
a distance, so probably the residence of Theodo- 
sius, the exiled patriarch of Alexandria, at Con 
stantinople, annoyed the ecclesiastical authorities 
there far more than the rapid increase of Mono- 


physitism in the East. For though Justinian had 
removed Theodosius from his see, yet he was 
received at court with so much distinction by 
Theodora, and so thoroughly supported by her 
influence, that his disgrace was turned into a 
triumph, and during his thirty years exile, to 
his death in A. D. 567, he exercised paramount 
authority over the numerous monasteries and 
churches of his party at the capital, as well as in 
Egypt his proper sphere. 

The patriarch moreover, who had been in 
truded into the Constantinopolitan see upon the 
refusal of Eutychius to subscribe to a notion 
of Justinian that the body of our Lord was 
incapable of corruption, was by no means a 
man likely to bear with any interference with 
his authority patiently. For John Scholasticus 
was more of a lawyer than a theologian, and 
a thorough man of the world; and no. sooner 
therefore had the health of Justin failed, and 
John was free to carry out his plans, than he de 
termined upon crushing the whole Monophysite 

The narrative of this persecution is intro- 
I. 3. duced by a pathetic lamentation, in which our 
historian especially quotes the prophecy of our 
Lord, that "the brother shall deliver the bro 
ther to death :" a prophecy, he says, not to be re 
stricted to the glorious company of the Apostles, 
but equally belonging to all members of the 
Church ; and especially true in the case of his 
own party, as being persecuted, not by heathens, 


but by their fellow-Christians, at whose hands, 
restrained neither by mercy nor the fear of God, 
he protests that they met with such cruel and 
pitiless treatment that heathens could have done 
no more. 

It was, however, the breaking out of this per 
secution which induced him to add this third 
part to his Church History. For he had previ 
ously completed in twelve books, divided into 
separate chapters, each with distinct headings, 
the history, or literally, the narratives and tales 
of the church, from the days of Julius Caesar, the 
first king of Rome, to the sixth year of Justin II, 
Justinian s sister s son : and in it he declares 
that he had borne willing testimony to Justin s 
zeal and anxiety for the unity of the church, his 
earnest desire being to speak the truth whatever 
might befal. For this concluding portion he re 
quests the indulgence of his readers, if they find 
it destitute of arrangement and with occasional 
repetitions : for it was written under circum 
stances of great difficulty, piecemeal as oppor 
tunity permitted ; nay, he even apologizes for 
writing it at all : " for I am fully aware that the 
times of the world are on the wane, and all but 
spent : yet have I recorded these events, because 
I would have men know them during the period, 
short though it be, ere this woebegone w r orld 
shall pass away." 

He introduces his narrative by a string of quo- I. 4. 
tations from " the groans and lamentable cries of 
the much suffering Jeremiah, and the glorious 

B 2 


prophet Isaiah," spoken originally of Jerusalem, 
but applied by him to the Monophysite church : 
doubtless their most mournful expressions seem 
ed to him, and that rightly, to find their fulfil 
ment in the events of his own time; for it is 
thus that Scripture is the support and consola 
tion of all ages, because its words whether of joy 
or sorrow are not confined to one fulfilment, but 
belong to all times and all individuals. These 
however we may pass by, and proceed to his 

I. 5. For the long period then of more than forty 
years, all the congregations of the orthodox 
church had enjoyed a time of peace and tran 
quillity both in the capital and its suburbs ; and 
in entire liberty, fully and freely and without 
fear, had assembled wherever they chose, and 
performed all the mysteries and ordinances of 
the church. But suddenly in the holy days of 
the Lenten fast, on the Saturday" before Palm 
Sunday, from the urgency and wicked violence 
of him who governed the church of the capital, 
namely John of Sirmin b , a village in Syria, and 
from his numerous slanders against the whole 
party of the orthodox, the victorious Justin was 

a The words literally are, on the Sabbath of the dawn of 
the first (day) of the week of Hosannahs. In the Syriac ser 
vice, books, Saturday is still called the sabbath, and Friday " the 
preparation" napaorKevt], Mark xv. 42. The other days are called, 
" one in the week," * two in the week," &c. The week com 
mencing with Palm Sunday is " the week of Hosannahs," and 
Passion week " the week of the mystery." 

b In Evagrius this Patriarch is called 


stirred up unto great wrath, and in an angry 
decree commanded that all the places where 
the believers assembled should be shut up, the 
altars in them razed, their priests and bishops 
seized and cast into prison, and all who met 
there for worship driven away and dispersed, 
and commanded never to enter them again. 
And other similar decrees and injunctions were 
issued in great wrath, whereas up to that time 
they had been permitted in peace and quietness 
to celebrate the rites of their religion. 

The loss of a portion of the manuscript keeps 
us in ignorance of the measures which imme 
diately followed. When the narrative recom 
mences, we find the prefect sitting in judgment 
upon (apparently) an old man, who thus in 
dignantly apostrophizes his judge ; " . . . Why I- 9- 
sittest thou as a Christian, and judgest the 
servants of God after the fashion of a heathen ? 
Thou art not a living man, if thou dost not 
quickly burn me, a weak old man, and roast and 
eat me." Similar emphatic protests against the 
cruelty of the persecutors occur in other parts of 
John s history. The prefect on hearing himself 
thus addressed was alarmed, and moved by 
the prisoner s great age, commanded him to 
be conducted to the bishop : but he in great 
anger sent and imprisoned him at Heraclea in 
Thrace, where during two years he was so closely 
confined that none of his friends were permitted 
to see him; and as no change of raiment was 
provided for him, he was soon covered with ver- 


min : and when one of his former disciples who 
had heard of his state procured for him a supply 
of clothing, he was not allowed to give it him 
even by the hands of others. At the end of two 
years he sickened and died : and in his last 
words pronounced a solemn anathema, in case 
he should be buried by the Synodites c , or if any 
one of them should dare to minister at his 
funeral, or offer over him a prayer. A crowd of 
orthodox Romans therefore in the neighbour 
hood undertook the charge of his burial, and 
wrapping his body as that of an illustrious 
martyr in cere cloths and spices, they conducted 
him in solemn procession towards the capital, 
uttering as they went cries of indignation and 
shame at the persecution of such holy men : 
and finally a party of believers from the capital 
went out to receive the corpse, as being that of 
a saint. 

I. 10. The patriarch s chief attack however was di 
rected against the monasteries, of which there 
existed many both in Constantinople itself, and 
its neighbourhood, and of these several had a 
very large number of inmates, especially the con 
vents, in which the late queen Theodora had 
placed the nuns who in a previous persecution 

c By the Synodites are meant the followers of the general 
council of Chalcedon, A. D. 451, in which the doctrine of the 
two natures in Christ was authoritatively decreed. His own 
party John styles " the orthodox," " the believers," &c. So Leon- 
tius de Sectis says that Justinian was notoriously 
follower of the council of Calcedon. 


had been driven out of Antioch, Isauria, Cilicia, 
Cappadocia, and the Roman provinces in the 
east. So powerful in fact were some of these 
establishments that they numbered more than 
three hundred members. Upon these then also 
descended the storm and tempest of persecution, 
and a murky cloud and terrifying darkness 
covered them ; for there came clergy and laics 
with the prison-keepers, and sergeants, and along 
with them the body-guard of the prefect of the 
city ; who being let loose upon them with barba 
rous violence surrounded the convents, and like 
a troop of wolves breaking into and falling upon 
a fold of sheep, so they rushed in, and laid their 
destructive hands upon the inmates, who were 
Christ s own lambs ; and the clergy, who had 
brought with them consecrated bread, dragged 
and pulled them by main force to make them re 
ceive the communion at their hands. And they 
all fled like birds before the hawk, and cowered 
down in corners, wailing and saying, We cannot 
communicate with the synod of Chalcedon, which 
divides Christ our God into two natures after 
the union, and teaches a quaternity instead of 
the Holy Trinity/ But with angry words and 
main force they were dragged up to communi 
cate ; and when they held their hands above 
their heads, in spite of their screams their hands 
were seized, and they were dragged along, utter 
ing shrieks of lamentation, and sobs, and loud 
cries, and struggling to escape. And so the 


sacrament was thrust by force into the mouths 
of some, in spite of their screams, while others 
threw themselves on their faces upon the ground, 
and cursed every one who required them to 
communicate by force. Some of them then they 
thus reduced to obedience ; but others who still 
resisted, and would not yield, they separated 
from the rest, and expelled them, from their 
convents, and delivered them into the hands of 
the Roman sergeants, by whom they were hur 
riedly torn away, and taken to the city, and 
dispersed there among various houses and pri 
sons ; and, as was said, they there met at the 
hands of some with treatment too wanton and 
abominable for us to mention. But there is 
One, Who seeth their cause, even the righteous 
Judge, Who shall judge their cause and avenge 
their quarrel. 

And thus then, and in this savage and barba 
rous manner, were the convents treated, both of 
men and women. 

I. ii. The person who stirred up and occasioned and 
put into execution all these evils, was the John 
mentioned above as head of the church in the 
city. For he by his slanders inflamed the king 
against the whole party of the believers, and so 
worked upon him that at length he obtained 
permission to treat them as he liked : where 
upon, by means of his satellites, he poured 
upon their ranks every where the blight of his 
wicked nature. For his measures were not con- 


fined to the city, nor to his own diocese, but he 
wrote letters a] so to other countries, that he 
might stir up the like troubles and persecutions 
and miseries also there. He even went in person 
to the convents both of men and women, and 
to houses, and forced and compelled the inmates 
to communicate with him, and whoever persisted 
in refusing, both men and women, whether 
monks or clergy or nuns, he commanded in 
cruel wrath and without mercy, that they should 
be imprisoned separately in various monaste 
ries, and finally pronounced against them harsh 
sentences of death. He managed also so to de 
ceive and stir up their victorious majesties, that 
they did whatever he wished, and visited the con 
vents one after another, the patriarch going to 
each first in person, accompanied by his clergy, to 
celebrate divine service there and reconsecrate 
them ; after which he proclaimed in them the 
4 divided synod, and fixed up his own pictures, 
and put in them clergy to celebrate the com 
munion every first day of the week, and on the 
festivals, and days kept in memory of the saints. 
The following day the king visited the monaste 
ries in person ; and the next day the queen in 
like manner, offering each of them gifts, and 
restoring such monks as either had, or were 
ready to make their submission. But such as 
resisted were exiled, or sent into close confine 
ment, or made over without mercy to the prse- 
torian guards to torture, or given up to whatever 
bitter and cruel scourgings and ill treatment 


the fierce and vindictive malice of their perse 
cutors suggested to them. 

The measure however which the orthodox 
most deeply resented was the annulling- of the 
orders of their clergy. And this, as our histo 
rian represents it, was the result of mere caprice 
on the patriarch s part, who was so blinded by 
mere party rage as to be unable to perceive that 
such a proceeding was "contrary to reason and 
justice, and the canons." Probably however he 
was principally influenced by the desire of in 
creasing the power of his see; for just at this 
time the bishops of Constantinople were making 
that attempt, in which Rome finally succeeded, 
of raising themselves to the headship of the 
Christian church. Constantinople was not merely 
then " a second Rome," as they delighted to call 
it; but from the disastrous state of Italy, it was 
raised in importance far above its western rival, 
and the residence of the emperor there, gave to 
its patriarch the opportunity of gaining for his 
plans the support of the secular power. Already 
we find them assuming the title of (Ecumenical 
bishop, so sharply rebuked a few years later by 
Gregory the Great of Rome ; and probably John s 
purpose was to extend the authority of his see, 
by compelling bishops beyond its limits, such as 
Paul of Antioch, Stephan of Cyprus, &c., to sub 
mit to reconsecration at his hands, and return to 
their dioceses as his suffragans. The accusation 
of heresy gave him an excuse for meddling be 
yond his own proper limits, and we shall find 


him trying his hand, though not successfully, 
with Alexandria itself. Be this however as it 
may, the narrative is as follows : 

The bishop therefore being full of the spirit I. 12. 
of fierce opposition, and led away by violence 
and heat, and as a man blinded in the vision 
of his eyes, so he being blinded by the passion of 
hatred in his soul, and intoxicated as it were, 
ventured, after contriving to force and drive into 
communion with him by savage tyranny and 
violence, many priests of the orthodox party: 
after, I say, they had communicated with him, 
and been received according to their rank in the 
priesthood, the presbyters being received by him 
as presbyters, and officiating at the administra 
tion of the sacrament on an equal footing with 
his own presbyters, and sitting in a row with 
them inside the chancel; and the deacons also 
in like manner performing in company with his 
own deacons their appointed part in the services ; 
and that not once merely or thrice, but on as 
many as thirty-six several occasions in all the 
offices of the church : after they had thus offi 
ciated with him in right of their previous or 
dination, and fulfilled all the order of their 
priesthood, then, after all this, the cruel thought 
entered his mind, as though he had been but a 
young boy, and violently, being elated with pride, 
and drunken with power and haughtiness, he 
gave orders, saying; We command all those who 
have given in their submission to us after being 
our opponents, that they be deposed from their 


former priesthood, and be made priests by us 
anew. And thus he now deposed them all, after 
they had acted as priests with him and in his 
presence thirty-six several times by right of their 
former ordination by the orthodox, and ordained 
afresh all who had submitted to communion with 
him. And great w r as their dismay and trouble 
at this proceeding, and they cursed and reviled 
both him and his lawless ordination. Several 
of them thus reordained he placed among the 
clergy of his own church : but many even of his 
own party blamed the step he had taken, as 
done wickedly and violently by him, in violation 
of church law and canonical order. Nor did it 
suffice him to act thus in his own person, but 
he even wTote letters to other countries, urging 
upon the bishops to follow his example, and do 
as he had done : his object being, not to bear 
the odium and blame alone of these illegal 
and disorderly doings, but hoping that others 
also would make themselves liable to similar 

Unexpected as was the outbreak of the perse 
cution at the hands of the patriarch, still it had 
not been entirely unforeseen by the more thought- 
I- 13- ful members of the orthodox party. For there 
had been before revealed to a worthy monk, in a 
vision of the night, what immediately and with 
out delay was about to happen in the church of 
God. For he saw a lofty and broad mountain, 
on the southern side of which was a vast planta 
tion of numerous churches, built row upon row, 


until they covered a vast extent, standing close 
together, and being beautiful and comely and 
many in number. And he saw, and lo! sud 
denly John bishop of the royal city came, with 
clergy and many people with him, and ran upon 
them with violence, and began to root up and 
level with the ground all those churches: and 
he rooted up and levelled also the altars of 
them all, until he had made an end of them. 
And quickly after this vision, after the interval 
of a few days, this very thing came to pass ; 
for he came forth, and rooted up and overthrew 
the numerous meeting-houses of the churches 
of the believers that were in the city and in 
all its suburbs, according to the revelation, and 
according to the vision that had been foreshewn, 
and which manifestly in a short time was fully 

The patriarch s main difficulty, however, lay 
with the Monophysite bishops; and he selected 
Paul of Asia, bishop of Aphrodisias, and metro 
politan of Caria, as the first object of his attack : 
and his proceedings shew how vast and despotic 
was the power to which the patriarchs of Con 
stantinople had attained. For Paul, as John tells I. 14. 
us, was an honest and simple-minded old man, 
and was dwelling quietly in his monastery, when 
the patriarch sent his emissaries and arrested 
him, and threw him into chains, and imprisoned 
him in his palace : and by the severity of his 
treatment compelled him at length to submit to 
communion with him. He then sent him back 


home, but wrote at the same time orders to the 
synodite bishop there to depose him from his epi 
scopal office, and consecrate him afresh bishop of 
Antioch, a city of Caria. Which also was actually 
done, and they deposed him ; and, as though they 
imagined that they had really stripped him of 
the priesthood, they now ordained him afresh, as 
if he had been a layman. And this became a 
mockery and derision to the actors themselves, 
and to his own people ; and his clergy called him 
" the double-dyed." Whether Paul had been pre 
viously deprived of his bishopric does not appear, 
as John refers to the missing portion of his his 
tory for the reason why he was dwelling " in his 
monastery ;" but probably he was under restraint 
there, and evidently had been previously removed 
from the discharge of his episcopal functions at 

In a subsequent part of his history John relates 
the adventures of Paul at greater length, and 
even gives the very words of the recantation 
which the patriarch wrung from him. For ap 
parently forgetting that he had already narrated 
II. 42. to us his history, he writes as follows ; " The 
great sorrow of Paul also deserves to be related, 
who was a man honest and peaceable, and hum 
ble and guileless, and dwelt like Jacob in the ta 
bernacle of his monastery, in the land of Caria, 
for a long time. And when John of Sirmin heard 
of him, he sent at once into Asia, and brought 
him bound and in chains to Constantinople, and 
imprisoned him in his palace in sore miser} r : and 


by bonds and many tortures he forced him to 
submit to receive the communion at his hands. 
And because he felt shame at the gray hair and 
venerable character of the man, he did not reveal 
the fraud of his heart, and what he purposed con 
cerning him. But after he had brought him to 
submission, and made him obedient to his will, 
he sent him to the bishop of Aphrodisias, with a 
letter in these words : Depose this man from his 
bishopric, and consecrate him afresh, and set him 
over Antioch, a city under thy dominion (in thy 
diocese)/ And when he had received Paul and 
the letters, he at once laid hands on him, for 
he had no idea of their artifice, and said to him, 
See, the patriarch has sent me his commands to 
depose thee from thy bishopric, and consecrate 
thee afresh. And he, on hearing this, began la 
menting and saying, heathens that ye are ! lo, 
these many years have I been consecrated, and 
am a bishop, and, according to canonical order, 
three bishops took part thereat ; and now, for 
what reason am I deposed contrary to the canon, 
and wickedly ordained anew ? And if ye annul 
my priesthood, and ordain rne afresh, then also 
first annul my baptism, and baptise me afresh/ 
And when they would not give way, but were 
even full of wrath at him, they took him tyran 
nically and violently and deposed him, and con 
secrated him afresh, while he smote upon his 
face, and his eyes became dim, and he grew 
blind. And so finally, in tears and lamentation 
over his state, and anxious only to hasten for 


refuge unto repentance, death overtook him, and 
his old age descended in affliction and misery to 
the grave, reserving his cause for that Judge who 
judgeth righteously. 

II. 43- John further adds a copy of the recantation 
which they forced Paul to sign without reading 
it, and which is as follows ; 

Act of recantation, which the counsellors of John wrote 
in the name of Paul, and laid it before him. 

" I, Paul, w r ho was a lost and erring man, 
having come to the knowledge of the true faith, 
and repented, and returned to the Church of God 
of my own accord, and by my own free act, with 
out violence or compulsion, acknowledge unto 
thee, my Lord John, the oecumenical patriarch, 
by this writing, that I consent, unto my last 
breath, unto the Synod of the six hundred and 
thirty holy fathers assembled in the city of Chal- 
cedon, and to the letter of the holy and blessed 
pope of Rome, as the confession and faith of Pe 
ter, head of the Apostles ; nor will I again turn 
away or change from it for ever. And these things 
I have confessed and signed in my own hand 
writing ; I, Paul, bishop, confess that I consent, 
and receive all that is written in this paper." 

This therefore they brought for him to sign, 
but would not let him read it, or know what 
they had written in his name, falsely and trea 
cherously professing that it was all his own 
doing, and testifying of him a testimony of lies 
without fear of God. 


The patriarch s next victim was Elisha, who I. 15- 
already was in confinement in a monastery 
called Bethdios d , whence the patriarch took him, 
and imprisoned him in his palace, and by the 
most rigorous measures compelled him to submit 
to his communion, Elisha hoping, says John, 
even so to find an opportunity of escaping from 
his hands. But on the patriarch s wishing to 
send him to Sardes, the metropolis of Lydia, that 
he might be deposed from his episcopal office, 
and consecrated afresh, Elisha resisted, saying, 
All unworthy though I be, yet was I made 
bishop by the orthodox, and thou never shalt 
consecrate me afresh. If however thou thinkest 
that it is according to order to depose me, and 
consecrate me afresh, depose me first of all from 
the baptism wherewith I was baptized, and then 
baptize me a second time/ To this the patriarch 
craftily replied, that, after all, it was but the 
vestments which he took away. But Elisha 
would not for one moment consent, or submit 
himself to him, or listen to his words : and upon 
this he grew angry, and imprisoned him in an 
other monastery called Beth Abraham 11 , and 

<l This monastery was erected in Constantinople by Dios in 
the reign of Theodosius the Great, and was appropriated to 
monks of the order called Accemeti, who nourished about this 
time. Du Fresne Const. Chr. iv. 123. 

e Bandurius, Imp. Orient, p. iii. 56, says that the monastery, 
made without hands, was built by Constantine the Great, that 
he might put the monk Abraham there, whose name it subse 
quently took/ Among the signatures to the council of Constan- 



passed upon him a harsh sentence : and there 
accordingly he was detained for a long time, and 
underwent great affliction, until he fell seriously 
ill, when upon petition he was permitted to go to 
the warm baths attended by keepers. 
I. 1 6. Far more severe and extraordinary was the 
treatment experienced by Stephan, bishop of 
Cyprus. He had aroused the wrath of the pa 
triarch by warmly reproving him for seeking 
to annul the orthodox ordinations, and in return 
had been banished to the island of Platsea. 
Thither he now sent a body of clergy to fetch 
him away, and along with them a number of 
lifeguardsmen (excubitore*), with orders to beat 
him with clubs f , until he vomited blood, or con 
sented to their communion. Twelve of them 
accordingly beat him until he fell down speech 
less in the midst, and lay apparently dead. But 
on seeing him lie motionless, and dying as it 
seemed, they ran, and brought four pails of 
water, which they dashed over him, and so after 
a long time his soul returned to him again, and 
he returned to life as from the dead. And thus 
by force he was compelled to submit to com- 

tinople is Alexander, Archimandrite of the monastery of St. 

f The word applied to this punishment, namely, ji.Amc^mj. 
is evidently the corruption of some Greek perf. participle passive, 
and is construed with the verb to make. The sense requires 
that it should come from <nra6ieiv, fastigare, to beat with clubs, 
but by some process the 6 has been changed into a p. The Olaf 
is as usual prefixed to a Greek word beginning with s. 


munion with them ; but even so he was less 
influenced by his own sufferings, than by the 
knowledge that several of the believers who had 
sent to supply his wants, had been arrested and 
thrown into prison on his account, and that in 
case of further resistance on his part, they intend 
ed to attack them, and plunder their property. 
They took him therefore, and brought him to 
the capital, where much discussion took place 
between him and the patriarch, but finally he 
was compelled to submit to their communion. 

When however John required him to consent 
to the annulling of his orders, and his reconse- 
cration to the bishopric of the island of Cyprus, 
he contended with him and resisted him, and 
finally made an outcry, and began to exclaim, 
Woe is me! If thou purposest to depose me 
from the priesthood of the orthodox, and ordain 
me afresh, depose me first also from my baptism, 
and baptize me also afresh, and then thou shalt 
depose me from my priesthood and ordain me 
again. For by the life of the Lord God, if thou 
dost not baptize me afresh, I will never suffer 
thee to ordain me afresh/ And as this took 
place in the church, a great tumult arose, and 
multitudes flocked together, until Stephan rushed 
suddenly away, and entered the king s presence, 
terrifying him also, and exclaiming, Woe ! woe ! 
Christianity is ruined : the regulations of the 
Christian church are overthrown : all the con 
stitutions and canons of the church of God are 
confounded and trampled under foot, and are 



undone ! What moans this wickedness, that 
contrary to law the priesthood of the orthodox 
Christians is annulled by those who are now in 
power, and another new one substituted in its 
place ? For lo ! these twenty years have I, un 
worthy though I be, been a bishop canon ically 
consecrated by the orthodox at the command 
of Theodosius, patriarch of Alexandria ; and now 
that I have yielded myself, and submitted to you, 
this man, acting in the same wicked way to me as 
he has done to many others, wishes to depose me 
also from the priesthood of the orthodox, and to 
ordain me afresh in his own. Let him show the 
canons where he learnt this; or say whether it 
is from ignorance and not understanding the 
canons of the church, that he thus acts ; or whe 
ther, knowing them, he insults them and tram 
ples them under foot, in his pride and haughti 
ness and wrong-headedness. If too this com 
mandment proceeds from you, and he thus acts 
with your privity, let every one know it : but be 
well assured, that his purpose is, that after your 
reign is over, the blame and fault of breaking 
the canons shall rest upon you, and he intends 
that you should be included with him in the 
violation of the laws of the church. If moreover 
it is with your privity, and by your command, 
that he annuls our priesthood, and ordains afresh, 
command him also to annul our baptism and con 
fer it afresh, and so let him proceed to reordain 
us as priests. For so the nineteenth canon of the 
three hundred and eighteen fathers commands, 


with reference to the pernicious heresy of Paul 
of Samosata, and the like, that they are first to 
be baptized again, and then such of them as are 
worthy are to be made priests s. And this regu 
lation was made because of the wickedness of 
their heresy. Now then let this man show first 
of all what his pretext is for thus acting, and for 
being so puffed up with pride as to depose and 
ordain us afresh. When the king heard these 
things, and perceived that Stephan had good 
reason for finding fault, and was supported by the 
canons in his arguments, he was in a maze, and 
like one just roused from a deep sleep; and him 
self also blamed and reprobated the proceeding, 
saying, In very truth this is done wrongly and 
without law, and is contrary to the whole con 
stitution of the church, for the priesthood to be 
annulled and conferred afresh; and it is monstrous 
and entirely foreign to all the constitutions of 
the church. And then he commanded that such 
a thing should never again be done in the church 

S The words of this canon are as follow : " As to such Paulian- 
ists as have subsequently fled for refuge to the Catholic church, 
the rule is, that they be all without exception baptized afresh. 
And if any previously were in the number of the clergy, if they 
were clearly free from blame and reproach, after being rebap- 
tized, let them be ordained by the bishop of the Catholic church. 
But if on examination they be found unfit, they must be deposed. 
And the same rule must similarly be observed respecting dea 
cons, and generally of all who are in the list of clergy. The 
deaconesses, as being so only in dress, and not receiving any 
ordination, we consider are to be reckoned entirely as belonging 
to the laity." Mansi ii. 678. 


of God : and published immediately a royal edict 
forbidding every one from ever again venturing 
to annul the priesthood, except in case of the 
heresies in which the canons so ordain. And 
if, it proceeds, any bishops are proved guilty of 
so acting, they are to be immediately deprived 
of their sees and sent into exile. When however 
the edict was drawn up, and John knew that a 
decisive order was about to be published, he and 
his partisans contrived by bribery to put the 
obnoxious decree out of the way; and it was 
never again seen ! 

And there was great enmity between John and 
Stephan on this account all their days. 

3. In a subsequent part of the history, mention is 
again made of Stephan, where, after an outline 
of the previous narrative, our historian tells us, 
that this event led to much confidential inter 
course between him and the king, who appointed 
him bishop of the island of Cyprus, and honoured 
him greatly, and also granted for his sake a con 
siderable alleviation of the taxes there. It ap 
pears further that Stephan continued in union 
with the council of Chalcedon, the arguments 
employed being possibly too powerful for him to 
wish to experience them a second time, but used 
his influence on more than one occasion in miti 
gation of the treatment to which other monophy- 
site bishops were exposed. 

7- The pretext, though, as the event proved, it was 
but a false and deceitful one, on which John and 
his counsellors summoned the bishops together. 


who had previously been exiled by him from 
their sees, and imprisoned in various monasteries, 
was, that he wished to confer with them as to 
the best mode of reconciling all parties, and esta 
blishing unity in the Church. On this pretence 
then he first took Paul the patriarch from the 
monastery of the Acoemet8e h , and imprisoned him 
in his palace, and then the rest, one after another, 
until all four were confined in the same prison, that 
is, Paul, and John (our author), and Stephan, and 
Elisha. No discussion, however, was permitted, 
but they sent them in the prison a paper contain 
ing words to this eifect ; You must unite your 
selves to us after the manner of the union be- 

h These monks, whose name signifies " the sleepless/ were so 
called because they were divided into courses, and maintained 
service day and night in their church. Although accused of fol 
lowing the heresy of Nestorius, they rapidly grew into import 
ance, and possessed several monasteries in other parts of the em 
pire, in addition to their great house at Constantinople, of which 
mention is frequently made by ec lesiastical writers. (Du Fresne, 
Const. Chris. IV. 151.) .As regards Paul, whose name occupies so 
considerable a place in this history, he was consecrated patriarch 
of the Monophysites on the death of Sergius, (conf. p. i .), by the 
famous Jacob Zanzalus, to whom the sect owe so much that they 
finally adopted his name, and take their place in history as " the 
Jacobites ;" which again was shortened in Egypt by the Arabs 
to " Copts," the name by which the Mouophysite Christians are 
there known. The bitter hatred felt towards him by the Alex 
andrians, his compulsory submission to the council of Chalcedon, 
the quarrel which thence issued with Jacob, his flight and con 
cealment, and the strange circumstances of his death and burial, 
will be found fully detailed, and put into a new light, in the pages 
which follow. 


tween Cyril of Alexandria and John of Antioch. 
Upon receiving this message, they both under 
stood and despised the wickedness practised 
towards them, and sent in answer, * Ye have 
counselled well : and we therefore, provided we 
have leave to do and practise that which Cyril 
did, and may excommunicate and eject and drive 
out of the Church of God the Synod of Chalcedon 
just as Cyril did the wicked Nestorius; upon 
these terms we will not oppose you upon other 
matters, but will unite ourselves to you without 
hindrance. If, however, it is not your pleasure 
to permit us to do that which Cyril did, how or 
in what manner craftily plan ye to require of us 
the union which finally took place between Cyril 
and John, when the very first step that Cyril took 
is forbidden us ? 

Nor was this retort the sole rebuff which 
the patriarch had to endure from the Mono- 
I. 18. physite bishops: for on a subsequent day, when 
they were brought into his presence to dispute 
concerning the faith, and the corruption of it by 
the council of Chalcedon, and concerning also his 
own proceedings, they took the initiative, and 
reproached him strongly, and argued with him, 
and rebuked him manfully, urging him with 
questions, and saying, O master, and chief ruler 
of the church, shew us by what canon or eccle 
siastical constitution you have been taught, and 
received the practice of annulling the ordination 
of the orthodox bishops, and the rest of the 
clergy, many of whom have been more years in 


orders than your father has lived : and yet never 
theless you depose and ordain them afresh in the 
priesthood of the two natures, the followers of 
which proclaim and teach a quaternity instead 
of the mysterious and holy Trinity? In what 
ecclesiastical constitution have you discovered, 
and lit upon this right of annulling the priest 
hood of the true orthodox, and creating afresh 
in its place another priesthood of the synodites ? 
What is your pretext, or what fault find you in 
us, or what heresy, such as the canons enjoin, 
that you take and depose those, who themselves 
find fault with you, and flee from your commu 
nion because of the heresy of the two natures, 
and because of the blasphemies of the synod, and 
of the letter of Leo, which proclaim and teach a 
quaternity instead of the holy Trinity. You 
least of all men have the right, under pretext of 
heresy, to find fault with, and condemn them, 
and pronounce their ordination invalid. If, how 
ever, you think you have the right thus illegally 
to depose them, tell us wherein your right con 
sists, and Ave will henceforward cease to blame 
you. For if you have persuaded yourself, that 
this practice of your s to depose true priests, and 
ordain them again, in violation of all the consti 
tutions and canons of the church, is a right one, 
you should also have annulled their baptism, and 
baptized them again, according to the purport of 
the canons. For the sixteenth (really the nine 
teenth) canon of the 318 fathers, which treats of 
the pernicious heresy of Paul of Samosata, or- 


dered them to be baptized afresh : and that then 
such as appeared worthy should be ordained 
priests again. If therefore you now consider in 
yourself, that you have received back from he 
resy those whom you have treated with as much 
cruelty as if they had been captives taken in 
battle, and ordained afresh, why have you ob 
served one part of the canon, but set at nought 
its previous requirement ? 

The patriarch listened in silence to these argu 
ments, and knew that his acts were worthy of 
blame, nor had he any defence to offer for them : 
finally however he answered as follows ; * As I 
perceive that you are troubled and offended at 
this annulling of your orders, for so I conclude 
from what you have said, and to which I have 
given a patient audience, if this matter is set 
right, and the annulling of your ordinations 
discontinued, will you be contented, and enter 
into union with me ? But they replied, What 
setting right is possible, after all this corruption 
and disorder which you have wrought contrary 
to law ? Nor have your proceedings even been 
confined to your own diocese, nor limits put 
by you to your violence and heat and hatred, 
but you have extended even into other countries 
this your violation of law, and your opposition 
to all the constitutions and canons of the church : 
is regards Avhich, one of two things must be the 
case, that either in ignorance of their injunctions, 
you have broken and transgressed them, and 
trampled them under foot, or, if acquainted with 


them, that you have despised and contemned them, 
and purposely set them at nought. But of this 
be well assured, that whenever the time shall 
come, whether in your lifetime, or, if so be, after 
your death, there will he a strict investigation, 
and canonical inquiry into all these transactions, 
if the world last so long, and the existence of the 
church of God. Moreover your last proceeding is 
a thing worthy of wonder, and a proverb, and the 
clapping of hands ; whether it be the result of 
hasty passion, or of hatred, or of the pride of 
power ; or whatever was the object for which 
you did it ; do you settle this and decide it in 
your own mind, and whether it was an act fit 
tingly done, and after careful examination ; that 
after you had fallen upon your captives, as if 
they had been the spoil of war, or like a robber 
on his prey, and forced them to submit to com 
munion with you ; that then, after they had 
taken part with you in thirty-six consecrations 
of the Eucharist, and the liturgies during the 
w T hole feast of Passover as well as subsequently, 
and you had received them in right of their 
former ordination, and had made the presbyters 
sit with your presbyters in the chancel during 
all those days called the love feasts, and simi 
larly had admitted the deacons to perform the 
office of the diaconate with the rest of }^our dea 
cons, and had placed them according to their 
degree, that then finally, after all this, you ven 
tured upon the annulling of their former ordi 
nation by some strange act of senseless audacity. 


Cut a point which we would now leave to your 
consideration and judgment is this, that in case 
you were determined, contrary to order and the 
canons of the church, thus to act, you should 
have done so before you had admitted them to 
officiate with you at the consecration of the Eu 
charist, and not, after all these communions, at 
which they had been present and taken part 
with you by right of their former priesthood, 
then to turn round, and depose them and ordain 
them afresh/ Much further was said on both 
sides, which from its copiousness and length AVC 
must omit; but it proved to him that his conduct 
was open to censure, and that, if he examined 
what he had done, he could not acquit himself of 
fault, especially in his last and most extraordinary 
act of annulling the orders of those whom he 
had himself admitted to officiate with him. Upon 
these points his silence plainly showed that he 
felt he was wrong, as he had nothing to answer 
but arguments of a most trifling and unmeaning 

I. 19. As the followers of the synod perceived that 
their plans had so far failed, the victorious king 
Justin next undertook to frame an edict by 
which he hoped to bring about a union. And 
when he had carefully copied it out, he sent it 
direct to the bishops imprisoned in the patri 
arch s palace by the hand of Zadiariah, a learn 
ed man , and chief physician of the palace, 

i Literal lv "a sophist." His hi^ h position in the favour of 
Justin is shown by his having sent him to sue for peace from 


born at Arx Romanorum, and originally, as was 
generally supposed, of the orthodox persuasion. 
Him therefore the king sent with a copy of the 
edict, and a message to the following effect: The 
merciful king has sent you this edict, which he 
has had copied for your sakes, that ye by its 
means, together with the rest of your party, may 
be brought into union with us. And he permits, 
and even commands you, Avhen ye have read it, 
to correct in it whatever ye see to be deficient 
and in need of correction : and whatsoever is de 
ficient in it for a correct confession of faith, such 
as ye wish should prevail, add to it without 
fear. The bishops accordingly having received 
this command took and read it, and saw that it 
was incomplete : for though there were expres 
sions in it at variance with the council of Chalce- 
don, yet there were others borrowed from it, and 
in defence of its views. In accordance therefore 
with the command they had received, they drew 
up heads, under which they arranged the correc 
tions, which if their opponents would consent to 
admit into the edict, they were ready, they said, 
to unite themselves in the fullest manner with 
them. The same messenger then who had 
brought the edict took the amendments, but 
showed them first to his privy councillor and ad 
viser John, and the rest of their confederacy, 
who upon hearing them were in fright and 
alarm, and great fear fell upon them. For 

Kosrun after the calamitous capture of Dara. Bar. Heb. Chron. 
p. 89. 

30 i:rru:siASTK AL HISTOHY 

should the bishops succeed in obtaining the in 
sertion of their corrections, they would tear up 
by its very roots the whole heresy of the two 
natures. And the strict Nestorians k were even 
in greater alarm than those only half so; and 
agitated and made an uproar throughout the 
church, running to and fro, and stirring up both 
clergy and people, and saying, If we accept 
these conditions, the whole church is thrown 
into confusion and overturned. And finally 
their whole troop assembled together, and went 
to the king, and endeavoured to persuade him 
not to admit the corrections into the edict ; and 
at the same time stirred up the members of the 
court to use their influence in their behalf, many 
of whom were not sound in their faith, and 
especially the quaestor, whose name was Anasta- 
sius, of Palestine, and who was riot only an hea 
then, but a Samaritan. 

When then they had entered the king s pre 
sence, and the corrections had been read to him, 
they pleased him greatly, and he gave orders for 
their admission into the edict, and that a fair 
copy should be written out. Upon which all pre 
sent, clergy and laity, and the members of the se 
nate, strove with him, saying, Depend iipon it, 
my lord, that if you admit these corrections into 

k Our author considers the whole of his opponents as really 
Nestorians, and adds therefore the epithet "strict" to indicate 
such as confessedly agreed with that heresy, whereas the council 
of Chalcedon, and consequently its regular followers, anathema 
tized it. 


your edict, and these men enter the church, it 
will be forthwith overturned and ruined : and 
in seeking to recover and get back a few, you 
will make men leave the church in tens of thou 
sands. And when some of them grew vehement 
in their opposition, he became angry, and turned 
his face upon them, and said, These chapters 
are right : but as tor all of you, I know that you 
are Nestorians, and diseased in conscience, and 
rejoice not in a sound faith : and if you are not 
quiet, I will loose and bring out those bishops, 
and set them upon you, and make them fall upon 
you like wolves, nor will you be able to stand be 
fore them. And then he commanded the quaestor 
to bring him before sunset twenty copies of the 
edict, with the corrections inserted ; or, said he, 
I will take off your head ! And at this the agi 
tation of the whole gang of Nestorians and semi- 
Nestorians grew extreme, and they buzzed about 
like a swarm of bees, and at length succeeded, 
partly by supplications and parti} 7 by terrifying 
him with the picture of the confusion it would 
introduce into the church, in prevailing upon 
him, after much importunity, to consent to leave 
the matter to their will ; nor did they permit him 
to insert more than one or two trifling amend 
ments : while, on their part, they introduced here- 
tically into the body of the edict a rule to the 
effect, that the customs of the church were to be 
observed ; which was a device, and crafty addi 
tion in favour of the synod, enjoining its procla- 


ination 1 ill accordance with their custom. And 
by this they intended to render a union impos 
sible, and trusted to make the wheel revolve in 
their favour as Nestorians. 

I. 20. Immediately that the edict thus amended was 
brought unto him written out fair, he signed one 
of the copies, and sent it to the bishops who were 
in prison, with a message, saying, See ! now we 
have made a union upon the terms you require, 
and have sent you the edict, and you therefore 
cannot refuse to unite yourselves unto us ; for it 
is for your sakes that I have composed this edict/ 
But the bishops, on reading it, saw that some 
fragments merely of the corrections which they 
had proposed were there, selected at the will of 
the other party, and therefore they rejected it, 
because their opponents had confused and mu 
tilated it, according to their own fancy : and 
though they had not ventured, through fear of 
the king, to expunge those expressions of his 
which were opposed to the two natures, yet they 
had managed to insert in it so much of their 
own, that while some parts were against the 
synod, others were strongly in its favour, and 
plainly were borrowed from it and on its side. 
The answer, therefore, which the bishops gave to 
those who brought it was, that " if the stumbling- 

1 The proclamation of the council of Chalcedon involved its 
acceptance as an O3cumenical synod : but this was the very point 
at issue, the Monophysites regarding it as destitute of authority, 
and its decrees as invalid. 


block and source of the confusion of the whole 
church, the synod namely of Chalcedon, were en 
tirely taken away, the church would stand in no 
need of the edict : but if it were to be proclaimed 
in the church, not a thousand such edicts, though 
fixed up in all parts and in every quarter, would 
bring about a unity, but produce rather schisms. 
For it is both opposed to the synod, and also 
contends in its behalf : and both sides of the 
argument are to be found in it/ 

As they had thus rejected the terms proposed, I. 21. 
the patriarch threw upon them the odium of the 
continuance of the schism, and every day, in 
company with those sent unto them to represent 
the king s person, he protested, saying, See, it is 
you who prevent and hinder the unity of the 
church of God. For, after all our efforts for fifty 
years" 1 , you are still driving it away, and resisting 
and grieving it, and not willing to come to any 
terms of peace/ But they in answer said, How 
do we prevent unity? A thing which you will 
not touch with one of your fingers, except so far 
as outside words go and trickery, that you may 
be supposed and imagined really by men to 
be in earnest after unity; and throw, if your 
devices succeed, all the blame upon us. And 
what is the unity you would make ? or how can 

m Though the patriarch uses the term fifty years to express an 
indefinitely long period, yet it agrees closely enough with the 
commencement of Justinian s reign, in A. D. 5 1 9, from which time 
constant efforts were made to heal the breach occasioned by the 
council of Chalcedon. 



you expect us to come to terms with you, while 
you still retain the synod which has uprooted 
and troubled the whole church of God, and pro 
claim it, and love it ? If. however, you are really 
anxious to bring about a unity according to your 
words, remove the snare and offence out of the 
level pathway of the faith, and eject it from 
God s church: and so, not we only, but all the 
believers, with joy, and free from all cause of 
stumbling, will unite ourselves to you. And 
much more of the same sort was said, which we 
cannot detail because of the great thickness of 
paper which it would require ; which passed be 
tween them every day in mutual discussion, but 
which, from the abundance of the words and the 
mass of writing, we have passed over and neg 
lected, lest it should prove an annoyance to 
those who fall in with our history. 
I. 22. But this was not all the bishops had to suffer, 
for they were also in disgrace with the chief 
laymen of their own party. For even before the 
persecution broke out, and the trials and dis 
tresses and imprisonments which it brought 
upon them, they were sharply reproached by 
other members of the orthodox party, who ar 
gued with them, saying, * Why do ye thus persist 
in dispute and obstinacy, and not make some 
compromise and give way a little, that there 
may be unity in the church of God ? Why stand 
ye thus with stiff neck, and resist those who are 
in power, without having any care for us, whom 
ye are ruining with our sons and daughters and 


our substance ? But what care ye that we lose 
our property, and become beggars? And as 
these reproaches had even before been addressed 
to them by the orthodox, annoyed at the loss of 
their wealth, and as now moreover the synodites 
protested against them every day, saying, Ye 
are the persons who stand in the way of unity, 
they fell into great grief, and spent both day and 
night in sorrow and bitter weeping, sitting over 
against one another in tears and wailing and 
sobs, and saying with sad words, * What then 
shall we do? for lo! we are blamed by both 
sides, and testified against, and found fault with : 
and while we are imprisoned here in misery, and 
no leave granted to any friend to see us, our 
opponents say and proclaim to the chiefs and 
nobles of our party, that they earnestly desire 
unity ; and so we have to bear the whole blame 
of preventing unity, for every body will suppose 
that what they say is true. And thus we are 
exposed to the attacks of both sides, and shall 
be compelled to yield, and trust ourselves to the 
treacherous promises and false oaths of our op 
ponents ; though we know that they have no 
truth in them, and that they are unworthy of 
being the means of restoring unity. Should we 
however still resist them, we shall be held ac 
cursed of both sides even unto the end of the 
world, as the impeders and hinderers of the 
unity of the church of God, while they will have 
their false professions believed, and will gain the 
credit of being ready to effect a union, had not 



we repelled their efforts. These, and such as 
these, says John, were the words they spake one 
to another during many days, with tears and 
groans; and he adds his protest, as in the pre 
sence of God, that his report of them is true, and 
himself present and an eyewitness of it all. 
I. 23. The discussion lasted thirty-three days, during 
which they were ranged against one another in 
sharp dispute : those on the side of the synod 
being clad in all the pride of power, while those 
who dissented from it were shut up in prison, 
and bitterly oppressed. And whenever their 
presence was required, they were loosed and 
taken out of their prison, and brought into the 
patriarch s court", where they were allowed to 
sit down, and the disputation began, and lasted 
as long as those in power permitted. For when 
either they were beaten in argument, or other 
wise chose, the bishops were sent away, accom 
panied by their keepers, and were imprisoned 
within three sets of guards, the innermost being 
the bishop s own, the second consisting of men 

n Literally " Secretum," but, as Du Cange shows in his notes, 
ad Alex. 269, 307, the name is applied by the Byzantine writers 
to the judicial courts. Among the ecclesiastical authorities, the 
treasurer had his court, in which he tried matters referring to 
the church revenues, and which was called Secretum osconomi ; 
in the Secretum sacellarii accusations were heard against the 
clergy and monks for dissolute living : while the patriarch had 
two courts, TO peya Sficpcrov, and TO p.iKpbv Se /c/jeroj/, in which he 
sat to discharge the public duties of his office. Const. Christ, 
ii. 162. 


belonging to the emperor s body-guard, while the 
third was the foreign guard, who kept the outer 
watch. Nor were they the only sufferers, for 
their confinement was shared by their depend 
ents, and not merely by the clergy and monks 
and other freemen, but even by their slaves, all 
of whom without distinction were imprisoned in 
dark and bitter dungeons in the palace, and 
closely watched. Nor was this all, for they were 
stripped as bare as thieves could do it by the 
patriarch s body-guard and apparitors, who not 
only took from them their coats, but even trifles 
of no use to them, together with their shoes and 
girdles and belts; and in fact whatever was 
found upon them they took away, and left them 
upon the bare ground, with scarcely clothing to 
cover them, or food sufficient for their main 
tenance. Nor was any one allowed to visit 
them, or supply them with anything whatsoever 
either for their own wants, or for the use of the 
bishops. And instead of the promised unity, they 
and their friends had to bear all these evils and 
griefs and temptations ; and the more so because 
they had plainly beaten in argument those who 
were thus torturing them. 

Finally the bishops gave way : for on one oc- I. 24. 
casion being summoned as usual into the patri 
arch s presence, they found not only John there 
sitting as president, but also some high officers 
sent to represent the king s person, who sharply 
reproached them in his name for their obstinacy, 
saying, How long will ye thus resist and pre- 


vent the unity of the church of God, which our 
lord the king, and we also, are anxious to bring 
about, but which blessing you day by day pre 
vent, and drive away ? When will you cease 
thus to show plainly to all men that you are 
the disturbers of the church, and you alone ? 
Now therefore, in short, either unite yourselves 
to us, or make it evident that it is you who 
trouble and disturb and hinder the unity of the 
church. But the bishops in grief and deep sor 
row said, Were matters justly tried, and by up 
right rules, it is not we who hinder union, but 
you, who, while the very centre of your heart is 
full of the corruption of opposition and division 
introduced at Chalcedon, wish to make it appear 
that we are the hinderers, while ye neither have 
proposed to yourselves, nor sho\vn that you pos 
sess even the shadow of unity. What you frau 
dulently require is, that we should unite our 
selves to all the falseness of Chalcedon, without 
seeking in the least to bring about in a just and 
upright manner a real union of the church. 
And now, as we have said from the beginning, 
if you wish really for unity, and your purpose is 
not rather to bring about a fraudulent deception 
and wicked artifice, put away first of all the 
cause of this division from between us, and at 
once unity is established in its place. Do not 
then falsely throw the blame upon us. And be 
sides, supposing that this simple plan has never 
entered your minds, why, we ask, do you every 
day thus oppress and wrong us? why do you add 


to our anxieties pain and the misery of "imprison 
ment, and the other wrongs which without fear 
of God you inflict upon us, while every day you 
further torture us with your words, and pierce 
thorns into our sores ? Have you no fear of God, 
when you see that, lo ! already our lives are con 
sumed and spent and gone from the troubles 
which surround us on all sides ? If therefore you 
really propose to make union, as your words de 
clare, put away the council of Chalcedon, which 
has troubled and divided, and caused schism in 
the church, as you yourselves cannot deny, and so 
will a unity, free from all division, be established 
throughout the whole church of God. And to 
this John and his assessors replied, It is you 
who prevent the ejection of the synod from the 
church: for if you united yourselves unto us, 
forthwith the synod also would be ejected, and the 
unity become complete/ To this the bishops an 
swer, that they can conceive no other explanation 
of his conduct than the wish to make them accept 
the council of Chalcedon, of which be thou well 
assured, said they, and all besides, that until the last 
breath cease from the nostrils of each one of us, the 
anathema of the synod and of Leo s letter, which 
conspire in dividing our Lord and God and Savi 
our into two natures after the union , shall never 

These words contain the definition of the Monophysite creed, 
as appears from its frequent occurrence in our author, and in the 
works of Severus of Antioch, who in his letters, e. g. Lib. V. Ep. 
54. says, " The Chalcedonians divide our one Lord and God, Je 
sus Christ, after the union into a duplicity of natures." (Add. 
MSS. Brit. Mus. 12, 181. f. 30.) They did not deny the exist- 


cease from our mouths. But John and those with 
him answered, As we have often said before, 
so now, both we and our lords, their majesties, 
give you our word, and our oath as in the pre 
sence of God, that upon your union with us the 
synod shall immediately be put away: and what 
ever comes out of our mouths shall not be 
changed/ But still the bishops doubted, and 
said, If you really intend to do as you say, 
why do you not reject the synod at once, that 
not we alone, but all men without hindrance 
may join you? Plainly your object is rather to 
take us by subtlety, and make us accept the 
heresy of the two natures, and then afterwards 
you will turn round and laugh at us. If this 
however be really your purpose, be assured that 
you delude and deceive your own selves : for we 
know full well that your purposes and thoughts 
are not for unity, inasmuch as it is quite evident 
that what you say is not the truth, and that you 
pretend to be ready in words only, that we may 
be thought by every body to be the sole obstacles 
to union, and be anathematized both by you and 
all the world as the disturbers of the peace. Ne 
vertheless, we will sacrifice ourselves for the sake 
of unity, for confiding in your words and pro 
mises, and acting as though already the synod 
were anathematized and ejected, we, with its ana 
thema nevertheless incessantly in our mouths, 

ence of the perfect godhead and the perfect manhood in Christ, 
but asserted that after their union, it was the very essence of 
Nestorianism to distinguish them. 


will communicate with you, once, or if so be, 
twice ; but as for a third time, until the anathe 
matizing and ejection of the synod has taken 
place, we will have neither part nor communion 
with you for ever and ever. For we know that you 
will not establish the truth of your words. But to 
make it plain and evident to all men that you 
are not prepared to make unity, but purpose to 
deceive us and all men, lo ! we yield ourselves 
up to communion with you, as often as two 
times. And much more was similarly said and 
protested on both sides, and so at length the 
bishops gave way, saying, * Because of the 
slanders brought against us by the synodites, 
see, we yield ourselves up that it may be known 
that we are not those who prevent union/ For 
every body blamed them on both sides, saying, 
4 See, their majesties, and the patriarch are 
anxious, and in earnest and ready to make 
union, but those in prison prevent and hinder 
it/ And therefore they yielded themselves up 
with great sorrow, and anathematizing with loud 
voice the council of Chalcedon, submitted them 
selves to communion twice, as they had pro 
mised and agreed, after having strenuously de 
manded of the king and patriarch, with many 
adjurations during all those three and thirty 
days its anathematization and expulsion from 
the church. 

The bishops apparently twice communicated 
with their opponents, and were let out of their 
prison : but upon pressing for the ejection of the 


synod, the patriarch and his council began, as 
our historian proceeds, to alter their words, and 
make excuses, saying ; We will write to the 
.pope of Rome : and if he assents, we will eject 
the council : for we cannot for your sakes sepa 
rate ourselves from Rome. To which the bishops 
sadly replied : Now may we also repeat the 
Jon. iv. 2. word of the prophet Jonah, " Was not this my 
saying, when I was yet in my country?" But 
now at least it is known and made plain to all 
men, that not we in our prison, and in bitter 
misery, are the obstacles to unity, for which we 
have yielded ourselves up, but that those who 
are clad in power, and oppress us, have been 
false to their promises and oaths, and seek ne 
vertheless to throw all the blame, not of this 
generation only, but of all future times, upon us, 
as though we hindered and prevented the unity 
of the whole church of God : but now men will 
say, " See, they have sacrificed themselves for it, 
though treachery has been used towards them." 
I. 25. But who can suffice to write or to detail -the 
misery and grief and lamentation and breaking 
of heart, which came upon them after they had 
thus fallen into communion with their deceivers, 
and submitted to union with them, when union 
was never intended ? For now their strength was 
spent and gone, and their eyes swollen and 
blinded with weeping and lamentation night and 
day ; and scarcely might the grief of a woman 
for the husband of her youth be compared with 
theirs. For they could no longer eat their usual 


food, but remained fasting and without consola 
tion, while their tears flowed unceasingly and 
unremittingly, and they sat with their faces co 
vered, and bewailed with bitter cries and groans 
one unto another ; and especially that now, after 
so many conflicts and imprisonments, and afflic 
tions, they had thus been taken by false craft, 
and submitted themselves, and fallen, while all 
hope of unity was far away, and the promise 
made them unfulfilled. So sad was their state, 
that those who had deceived them now tried to 
comfort them, when they saw them thus con 
sumed, and surviving only for grief, and said, 
Why do ye thus kill both body and soul, as if 
ye had sacrificed to idols ? What have ye decreed 
against yourselves, that ye continue thus weep 
ing and lamenting, and choking yourselves with 
grief? Take food, and be comforted, and live, and 
not die. But though this and much more was 
said by their opponents, they refused to be com 
forted, and sat the rather in mourning and weep 
ing ; and after spending many days in indigna 
tion after they had been released from prison, 
they finally returned, and stood up manfully, and 
reproached them even more boldly than before, 
chiding and reviling them for their false and 
treacherous conduct ; and so they were again de 
livered up to prison and to tortures even more 
severe than what they had previously endured : 
and at length were sent in bitter wrath each into 
separate exile. 
Before their banishment however their anguish I. 26. 


of mind had moved the pity of Justin and Sophia, 
who sent for them to the palace, and comforted 
them, saying ; Why do you give way to violent 
lamentation, till you are thus dejected, and more 
like men dead than alive ? Cheer up, and be 
comforted : for we purpose in God to content 
you, and unite you to us in perfect unity. Do 
not despond/ But they argued with him at 
great length upon the promises made them, and 
which had been violated, and not put into execu 
tion : and finally he said to them, As we are 
preparing to go to the hot-baths, wait for us for 
twenty or thirty days, and be assured, that we 
will return at once for your sakes, and talk the 
matter over with you, and content you : and 
the whole church shall be one, and unite us all. 
And so they were dismissed from his presence, 
after having detailed to him at great length their 

I. 27. The king continued at the baths a full month, 
and then, according to his promise, set out upon 
his return. But before he had reached the city, 
while still on the other side of the straits at 
Chalcedon, the patriarch John, accompanied by 
his partisans, went out to meet him, and as it 
appeared, brought fresh accusations against his 
prisoners, saying, These men have separated 
themselves from us, and withdrawn from the 
church entirely. They now formed a plan 
for making trial of their determination, and de 
ceiving them again : and drew up for this pur 
pose a schedule of the chief cities, and sent it 


to them by the quaestor, with this message ; 
Inasmuch as we have a care for your peace, 
and are anxious for your honour, and wish to 
give you a share of authority, see, we have sent 
you a schedule of the cities of most note, not 
venturing of ourselves to name that over which 
you are to preside, but leaving it to your own 
will, that you may choose each one of you the 
city that best pleases himself/ And when the 
illustrious quaestor had received the schedule, 
and arrived at the city, he summoned the bi 
shops, to place the schedule in their hands, and 
delivered them the message as above, with much 
beside as coming from the king. But they would 
not look at the schedule, nor receive it from him> 
saying, Tell the victorious king, that we did 
not sacrifice ourselves for the sake of being made 
bishops of cities, but in expectation that the 
promised unity would be fulfilled. For bishops 
we are, however unworthy. If then the pro 
mises of unity are fulfilled, and the oaths so 
repeatedly made us during so long a space of 
time, we are content. For relying upon them, 
and that our slanderers might not be confirmed 
in the assertion that we were the hinderers of 
unity, we yielded ourselves to communion with 
those who have acted falsely by us, and thought 
therein that they were deceiving us, whereas 
really they were deceiving themselves, and not 
us. And if now the synod is not ejected, accord 
ing to their promises and oaths, and unity made, 
Heaven forbid that we should ever hold com- 


munion again with those who make mention of 
its name for ever and ever. And upon their 
expressing this as their firm determination, and 
refusing to receive the schedule, the quaestor grew 
angry, and went and told their words to the 
king; and he too was angry, and rose up in 
great w r rath, and gave utterance to many threats 
against them, and stern denunciations; which 
also subsequently he executed. 

I. 28. His first act was to summon the patriarch of 
the city, whom he accosted sternly, and with 
many contumelious expressions said, You are 
the man who have made the bishops turn back, 
after they had been prevailed upon with much 
labour and difficulty to promise to communicate 
with us: and you now have turned them back 
from us/ And in great excitement he com 
manded the senate to proceed to the patriarch s 
palace, and sit in judgment upon the matters in 
dispute, the patriarch also being upon his trial, 
and in case of their deciding that he was wrong, 
he said, that he would condemn him also. 

I. 29. On the morrow then, in accordance with the 
king s command, the senate, accompanied by the 
quaestor, proceeded to the patriarch s palace, and 
the bishops were summoned to trial, and re 
quired, as a matter of command, to continue in 
communion with the partisans of the synod, 
keeping quiet, and not requiring any further 
concession. But they stood up, and strove 
powerfully and manfully in contest with them, 
and without fear openly convicted them of all 


their deceitful promises, and false oaths, and 
of the truth rejected by them, and trodden 
under foot; and after much besides they pro 
ceeded with great boldness to anathematize pub 
licly to the senate the whole heresy of the two 
natures. And this they did stoutly as a thing 
of primary, and of secondary, and even of final 
importance: and also, by a sentence of entire 
separation, withdrew and separated themselves 
for ever from their communion. And much be 
sides was done and said there in manly contest, 
until the wrath of the senators and of the pa 
triarch blazed out upon the bishops, and they 
commanded that they should be dragged by the 
throat out of their presence, and separated from 
one another, and sent into exile. And the sen 
tence was quickly put into execution, and they 
were taken away, and separated, and never saw 
one another more, being sent into banishment, 
some to monasteries, and some to islands in the 
sea, and some to oppressive and bitter imprison 
ment in hospices P, it being part of their sentence 

P The gfvoSoxfla, or hospices, were buildings erected in con 
nection with monasteries, for the entertainment of strangers, and 
so important was this use in a country where inns were unknown, 
that the xenodochium was frequently the reason why the mo 
nastery was erected, or at least fixed its site. From their utility 
the emperor Julian ordered hospices to be erected in all the chief 
cities, and maintained by the state, Epist. XLIX. In the middle 
ages the name was frequently used as identical with monastery : 
and in the passes of Switzerland such hospices still exist, as that 
of St. Bernard, &c. 


that they should be kept in confinement, and 
that neither friend nor stranger should be per 
mitted to see any one of them. And much be 
sides was decreed against them, cruelly, and 
sternly, and without mercy, in bitter anger, and 
with iniquitous violence, as though they had been 

I. 30. Now what has been here related and written 
may seem perhaps to those exercised in lofty 
knowledge, and acute in mind, and who judge 
things with nicety, to be but fiction, and a rhe 
torical composition merely of the writer, in words 
drawn from his imagination : for if not, whence/ 
they will say, had he the knowledge to enable 
him to narrate in this orderly manner, and de 
scribe and set down in writing all that was said 
by both parties; and that as if himself mar 
shalled on one side, and aiming his shafts against 
the other, in combat for his own party? Let 
then such as hold this opinion now know, that 
the writer of all these details was no stranger to 
the conflict, nor remote from the struggle, who, 
far away, upon report and by hearsay of others 
set down and described these events ; but that 
he was one of those marshalled in the battle, 
and who, in earnest struggle equally with the 
rest, or even more so, manfully endured these 
sufferings, and patiently bore the pain of perse 
cution and imprisonment: and let them know 
too, that not only the short summary contained 
in this book was spoken in argument with the 
king and patriarch, but a hundred times more 


besides, which however he has omitted, for fear 
of making the narrative too long, and crowding it 
with words without end. And though ranged on 
one side, that, namely, opposed to the two na 
tures, as the narrative itself shows, he has ob 
served a strict neutrality, avoiding all calumny 
and misrepresentation of those opposed to him, 
and the temptation of establishing his own 
views ; and has endeavoured, in accordance with 
his promise at the beginning of the book, to be 
the advocate of truth alone, and has observed 
the seal of truth for both sides, in whatever was 
discussed, and brought forward and spoken, 
though confining himself to a summary of the 
facts, inasmuch as scarcely the hundredth part 
of what actually was said and done could, on 
account of its length, be set down in writing. 

As the person whom our historian next men 
tions belonged to an obscure sect, who have left 
but few traces of their existence in the pages 
of ecclesiastical history, it may be necessary to 
give a slight sketch of Conon and the Condobau- 
dites. A fruitful source of heresy in the fifth cen 
tury arose from the careless statements of earlier 
writers, who, before theology grew up into a 
science, made use of language partially incon 
sistent with the technical exactness of later 
times : and as an almost idolatrous reverence 
was entertained for them, an attempt was often 
made to give to their indefinite statements a pre 
cise and scientific meaning. Thus, for instance, 



the Monophy sites regarded Ignatius as a power 
ful witness in their favour, because he says, Per 
mit me to be a disciple of the sufferings of my 
God : and similarly, from the passages in which 
writers like Justin and Tertullian speak as if the 
Persons in the Holy Trinity differ in degree, 
Conon and the Condobaudites argued that there 
were as many natures, substances, and Godheads 
in the Trinity as there were persons. Timothy, 
presbyter of Constantinople, in his work On the 
Reception of Heretics, (Meursii Var. Div. Lib. 
p. 123,) defines their doctrines thus, The Condo 
baudites are those who say that God is one in 
number, and not in an exactly similar equality : 
and they take their name from a building in Con 
stantinople, in which they used to assemble/ 

Their other name of Tritheites was given them 
because of their doctrine leading to the confes 
sion of three Gods. Not that they exactly said 
this, but rather that there was a quasi subordi 
nation in the persons of the Trinity, as earlier 
fathers seemed to teach. But this name was 
fatal to their progress, and injurious even to the 
Monophysites, out of whom they sprung : for 
Bar-Hebrseus says that our author, John of Asia, 
complained of the disgrace brought upon them 
by their founder professing to belong to their 
party: and many even deserted them, and joined 
the Dyophy sites, saying, that it was better to 
hold two natures, with the council of Chalcedon, 
than four Gods, with John Philoponus, the great 
exponent of their views. 


This Philoponus, called also John Grammati- 
cus, a very learned Aristotelian of Alexandria, is 
generally looked upon as their founder, but really 
he only defended their heresy, by an argument 
deduced from an exposition of what substance 
is, according to the doctrines of his great master, 
Aristotle. Their real founder was a certain ob 
scure John Ascunages, whose creed is preserved 
by Bar-Hebrseus : I acknowledge one nature of 
Christ the Incarnate Word, but in the Trinity I 
reckon the natures and substances and Godheads 
according to the number of the persons/ 

But for the learning of Philoponus the sect 
would probably have expired with its founder ; 
but an adventitious importance was further 
given to it by its being joined by Athanasius, 
the son of Theodora s daughter, whose great 
wealth was freely expended in obtaining con 
verts. And as this made it necessary to expose 
its unsoundness, a public discussion was held 
under the presidency of the Synodite patriarch 
of Constantinople, with the proviso however, 
that none but Monophysite authorities, such 
as Severus of Antioch, should be quoted. The 
disputants against Conon and his party were 
our author, John of Asia, and Paul, subsequently 
patriarch of Antioch, one of the four bishops 
whose sufferings we have just read. The discus 
sion lasted four days, and ended in the complete 
defeat of the Tritheite party. Another leading 
Monophysite who wrote against them was Theo- 

E 2 


dosius, ex-patriarch of Alexandria. (Cf. Ass. 
B. 0. ii. 328 etc.) 

We may now, however, return to our author, 
whose narrative will be found to confirm the 
above statements of Bar-Hebrseus, and which is 
as follows : 

I. 31- About this time Conon also was seized, who 
was at the head of the heresy of those who ven 
tured upon enumerating the natures and sub 
stances and Godheads and Gods in the holy and 
consubstantial Trinity: and after his arrest, he 
too was imprisoned for a time with the rest in 
the patriarch s palace, and w r as required to sign a 
recantation as a heretic ; but he resisted this, and 
would not. And when the victorious king learnt 
it, he swore by the Mother of God, saying ; 
Though he consent, and go, and take the com 
munion, yet if he make not a recantation, and 
express in it his penitence, I will not go and take 
the communion there/ Because then he was a 
heretic and a blasphemer, when about that time 
Photius, the son of Belisarius wife, came to the 
capital, Conon was made over to him ; and he 
took him with him to Palestine, and imprisoned 
him in the so-called New Monastery: where he 
remained three years, but was then set free, and 
went to Cilicia. 

Their history is continued in the fifth book, and 
as it stands there quite unconnected with the 
rest, we propose to proceed with it here. 

V. i. The great difficulty which they found in propa- 


gating their audacious and polluted heresy was 
the want of bishops. For at first there were but 
two, namely, Conon himself, the head of the 
schism, and Eugenius, both bishops of towns in 
Cilicia. When, however, their views became 
known there, they were greatly blamed by many 
of their compeers, and admonished : and upon 
their refusal to withdraw them, the sentence of 
deposition was passed upon them : upon which, 
they and Athanasius, the son of queen Theodora s 
daughter, who increased and multiplied the he 
resy by a liberal expenditure of gold, took mea 
sures in concert for obtaining a third bishop ac 
cording to the canon; and for this purpose began 
honouring and flattering John of Ephesus, who 
was then resident at the capital, and had the 
administration of the entire revenues of all the 
congregations of believers there and elsewhere : 
their object being to prevail upon him by bribes 
and presents to submit to them, and join them, 
that so they might consecrate bishops. But he 
refused, and blamed them greatly, and proved to 
them by argument that they were heretics, and 
worse even than Arians and Macedonians and 
Nestorians, and all heresies besides. And when 
they could not cajole him, and lead him astray, 
there happened just then to arrive at the capital 
a certain Theonas, who had been consecrated at 
the command of Theodosius the patriarch, but 
subsequently charged with some offence, and de 
posed. As having then nothing to do, he wan 
dered about ; and happening to arrive there, was 


easily induced by their gifts to adopt their error. 
Having associated him then with them, Conon 
and Eugenius consecrated numerous bishops, and 
sent them into all quarters to propagate their 

V. 2. The episcopacy thus founded by Conon and 
Eugenius, the heads of the heresy of a multitude 
of Gods, was in fact contrary to the canons and 
constitutions of the church, as being given by a 
man who had been deposed from the episcopate ; 
but nevertheless, whoever came in their way, 
whether young or old, unlearned or wise, and, so 
to speak, all their disciples and followers, who 
ever joined them, they made them all bishops, 
and sent them in all directions and to all coun 
tries, and so gathered congregations in Rome and 
Corinth and Athens and Africa, and led simple- 
minded people astray after them. They even 
made a serious attempt to lead astray the Patri 
cian Narses at Rome, having taken with them 
for the purpose with no slight labour two picked 
men, the sons of one mother, named Phocas and 
Theodosius : but he turned his face away from 
them, and would not receive them. They ma 
naged, however, to lead into their error some of 
his chamberlains and chiefs and generals. 

v - 3- Conon meanwhile, and Eugenius, had continued 
at the capital, even after they had been excom 
municated, urging on their views, and arguing 
and deceiving people, and importuning them, and 
even going and complaining to the king that they 
were ill-used and slandered. Thereupon the king 


issued a command to the patriarch of the city to 
bid both sides assemble in his presence and that 
of his whole synod, that they might debate toge 
ther upon the doctrines about which they were at 
enmity % and of all of which an account is given 
us in the preceding books. And thus they acted, 
until Justin the king commenced a vigorous per 
secution, and sent them to Palestine into exile 
by the hands of Photius, Conon I mean, and Eu- 
genius: while as for the other members of the 
party, they were far away, busied in traversing 
the regions of Syria and Cilicia and Isauria and 
Cappadocia, leading men into error, and ordain 
ing priests and deacons in churches and monas 
teries, and cities and villages, until they even 
brought over whole districts to their views, and 
spread their heresy far and wide. 

At Constantinople many still held to Conon for v. 4. 

f l This discussion is also mentioned by Photius (Bibl. p. 5. 
ed. Bekker), who says that Conon and Eugenius opposed the 
vain labour of Philoponus respecting the resurrection, though 
they agreed with him in rejecting the synod of Chalcedon : but 
when, in a discussion held before the patriarch John, of which 
the acts were still extant, between Paul and Stephan on one side, 
and Conon and Eugenius on the other, they were required to 
anathematize John Philoponus ; they not only refused to do so, 
but quoted passages from Severus and Theodosius in support of 
his views. They are, he adds, orthodox in holding a consubstan- 
tial and connatural Trinity, one God and one Godhead; but they 
blasphemously say, that the substances are divisible, and the 
Godheads and natures distinct, so as for there to be the Father, 
the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Bar-Heb., as we have seen, sub 
stitutes the name of John of Asia for Stephan. 


old association sake : for his house had been at 
the foot of the palace, and they used to go down 
in their court shoes r and communicate in secret, 
and return and stand before the king without 
being found out. On this account, therefore, and 
because he showed himself to be an humble and 
righteous man, several of them joined in interced 
ing for him, and he was set free, and departed from 
the monastery, in which he had been confined. 
The town to which he withdrew was called Eulse, 
and there he abode in a nunnery. And as all 
the people there, especially those of Cilicia and 
Isauria, were caught by his heresy, they ran after 
him, as though he had been one of the apostles, 
and glorified him, and adopted the error princi-r 
pally for his sake. Finally, however they severed 
into two parties, and opposed one another. 
V. 5. An account of the error and schism into which 
these proclaimers of Gods fell, and the causes 
which led thereto, has been already briefly given 
in the preceding books 5 , together with an enu- 

r The campagi were shoes worn only by the emperors and 
the chief officers of their court ; and subsequently they were 
adopted by the pope of Rome ; and George Metochita tells us 
that Michael Cerularius, patriarch of Constantinople, broke off 
communion with Rome because the pope would not let him wear 
a pair of scarlet campagi. At the present day cardinals are 
also allowed to use them. 

* To these lost books our author referred also a little above. 
John Grammaticus is the same as John Philoponus, the latter 
title being given him from his industry, the former from his pro 


nieration of the pernicious and mistaken writings 
of John Grammaticus of Alexandria, by which he 
first led them into error and imbued them with 
his views. For they all regarded them unani 
mously, and proclaimed them on all sides as 
though they had been a very gospel, and gloried 
in them. As then what took place in the inter 
vening time comprises a considerable number of 
events, only one here and there can be recorded 
in our memorials, and the rest, on account of 
their mass, can neither be detailed nor related. 
When however the second treatise written by this 
John Grammaticus reached them, in which he 
teaches that it is not these same bodies which 
arise from the dead, but that they are changed 
into other bodies, which come in their stead to 
the resurrection, it led them into still greater 
error, and rent them into two heresies, each of 
which was, if possible, more abominable than the 
other. For some of them did not receive this 
second treatise, but opposed and reviled and ana 
thematized it : while others regarded it as more 
precious than the writings of the prophets and 
apostles. And thus they quarrelled among them 
selves, and stood in mutual opposition, and were 
divided and separated, and excommunicated each 
other, and exposed one another s errors in w r ritten 
treatises. And still do the two heresies stand 
arrayed over against one another. 

In spite however of this schism, Conon and V. 6. 
Eugenius continued their efforts, and paid a visit 
to Pamphylia, in the hope of converting it to 


their views. This province had originally been 
occupied by the orthodox, and there are in it 
many large and noble towns, with churches, and 
numerous convents both of men and women. 
For long ago a portion of those named Acephali 1 , 
as having no head, separated themselves, and 
migrated in great numbers to this country : but 
by the zeal and earnestness of the orthodox 
there, they had all been converted, and returned 
to orthodoxy, and with one accord were ani 
mated with the spirit of the true faith. From 
that time, at frequent intervals, orthodox bishops 
were sent to visit them, and set in order all mat 
ters relating to the church, such as the consecra 
tion of altars, and new churches, and monasteries 
erected there. They also ordained numerous 
clergy, and attended to whatever else was neces- 

fc The Acephali were so called because they rejected the heno- 
ticon of the emperor Zeuo (cf. Timothy, as quoted before) ; for 
so little did the early church distinguish between the province of 
the temporal and the spiritual power, that they received with 
complacency an edict of one of the most contemptible of the 
Greek emperors, published by him for a political purpose, and 
the object of which was to keep out of sight the synod of Chal- 
cedon, and so put an end to the disputes which its decrees had 
occasioned. By anathematizing those who divided Christ, it satis 
fied most of the Monophysites, and by equally anathematizing 
those who confounded Him, it secured the approbation of the 
followers of the council of Chalcedon : and as it condemned all 
bishops who refused to sign it to degradation and exile, it was 
so generally received, that the few Monophysites who rejected it 
for not expressly anathematizing Chalcedon, were left without 
emperor or patriarch, and called therefore the headless. 


sary. And twice, to our certain knowledge, this 
miserable Eugenius, w r ho had now fallen into 
heresy, was sent there on these visitations ; and 
again other, bishops at other times. Finally, 
however, the desire seized Conon and Eugenius 
of going to this country, and leading it into 
error, and winning it over to their heresy. But 
while thus busily occupied, the fated day arrived 
for Eugenius, and he died there; and Conon re 
turned to Constantinople. 

The cause which induced him to proceed thi- V. 7. 
ther was as follows : previously to the schism 
among the Tritheites, and their separation into 
Cononites and Athanasians, the founder of the 
latter sect had made his will, and after nam 
ing the king and queen as his chief heirs, he 
directed that his slaves should be set free, and 
each one receive a legacy: he further left be 
quests to various friends, and to Conon a consi 
derable sum of money to be expended on cha 
ritable objects, besides ten litres of gold for 
himself, to be paid immediately : and as we are 
told that a litre was equal to twelve ounces, the 
legacy amounted to about 500 : nor w r as this 
all; for he also gave him two litres as long as he 
lived, or about 100 a year; and in estimating 
the value of this, we must of course take into 
consideration the greater quantity of commodi 
ties which could be purchased for the same 
weight of gold. Having sealed this will, Atha- 
nasius deposited it in safe keeping at a time 
anterior to the breaking out of the schism : but 


when this took place, and they mutually excom 
municated one another, and finally published 
books against one another, full of bitter revilings, 
Athanasius purposed to change his will, and ex 
clude Conon from it, but died suddenly : and 
when his will was opened, Conon took what was 
written in it, while still excommunicating him 
who had left him the money. And this then 
was the reason why he came to the capital. 
But on his arrival there, John of Asia, that is, 
John of Ephesus, sent him the following pro 
testation : How long, wise man, dost thou 
not take it into thy thought that thou art a 
mortal, and that thou must stand revealed be 
fore the dread tribunal of justice, and that there 
thou must give an account why thou permittest 
thyself to be called lord, and hast thy hands 
kissed by a sect of the church of the living God, 
who delivered Himself up for its sake? Why 
persistest thou in such folly, since thou must 
know that all, to whatever side they belong, 
whether it be thine or ours, are alike on their 
way to God ? Let us both then, both thou and 
my unworthy self, while we continue in the 
body, abstain from all violence, of which Satan 
is the author, and be clothed in the gentleness 
and lowliness of Christ our God, and draw near 
to one another in mutual love, and put an end 
to this dispute and schism. And evilly as mat 
ters have gone in our days, and in our inter 
course with one another, yet let us now, while 
we still survive, break down and destroy the 


wall of enmity between us, that false doctrine 
may not thus continue in the church of God. 
To this Conon replied, that he should be glad if 
it could be so: but without giving any further 
answer, he took the gold that had been left him, 
and returned to Cilicia, where he delighted him 
self in his heresy, as much as a drunkard in his 

But though Conon was thus indifferent, it was v. 8. 
not so with the rest of those who proclaimed 
substances and natures in the Godhead ; for be 
ing blamed by every body, and despised also by 
their own hearts, they often clad themselves in 
sheep s clothing, and begged that they might be 
reunited to the orthodox church : from which 
indeed they had gone out, but to which they had 
never belonged ; for if they had been of it, they 
would have continued in it. Concealing there 
fore the guile of their hearts, they said that they 
wished to return to unity. But when they came 
to converse, and were required to repent, and 
cease from saying that there are substances and 
natures in the Trinity, lest thereby a diversity 
of Gods, and Godheads, such as the heathen hold, 
should enter into Christianity, they immediately 
declined, saying, We cannot but affirm that the 
substances and natures are capable of being 
numbered/ To which the orthodox replied, that 
the faith of the church confesses one God, who 
is known under the three persons of Father, Son, 
and Holy Ghost: three persons: three names: 
one Godhead, and one substance : one nature : 


one Lordship, and might, and will, and kingdom, 
and authority, and dominion, in heaven and in 
earth : one three ; and three one, without divi 
sion and without confusion. How then can ye 
desire, though ye confess it not openly, to intro 
duce into the catholic church, by these crowds 
of Gods, which like heathen ye hold, the doctrine 
of a diversity (number) of substances and na 
tures, while in pretence, and not in truth, ye 
desire to be united to us, and guilefully devise 
and form plans for seducing and drawing aside 
the whole church to your heresy? 7 And so they 
were sent away blushing and ashamed ; but 
their present failure did not prevent them from 
often making similar overtures, both at Constan 
tinople and in other quarters of the empire. 
V. 9. Especially both in Alexandria and Syria the 
same attempts w r ere again and again made. For 
when they found that they could not cajole those 
at the metropolis, they proceeded to Alexandria, 
/ and drew up an act of recantation, in which 
they skilfully inserted their confession of faith, 
and presented it to Damianus", the successor of 
Peter in the patriarchate there : but when he 
further required of them the denial of a plural 
ity of natures and substances in the Godhead ; 
and also, that they should excommunicate John 
Grammaticus and his three books, which had 

u This Damianus was himself the founder of a sect called 
after him the Damianitse. Their doctrine apparently distin 
guished God absolutely from God the Father, the Son, and the 
Holy Ghost, whence they are also called Tetratheites. 


been the original cause of their error, they 
showed that they were ready to anathematize 
the third book, which denied the resurrection of 
these bodies; but the first, in which was con 
tained the doctrine of a diversity of Gods, they 
refused to reject and anathematize : and he 
therefore excommunicated and deposed them. 
They made the same attempt also more than 
once in Syria; but finally, when they saw that 
their wiles did not succeed, they continued with 
out further attempts at union to hold their per 
nicious heresy even to this day. 

Thus rejected by the orthodox in all parts of y I0 
the empire, the Tritheites made an attempt to 
lessen the general odium in which they were 
held by forming a Catena, or literally, a large 
book of lacerations, which those of them who 
considered themselves to be philosophers tore 
from the living body of the writings of the 
holy fathers, in the idea that it established 
and confirmed their heresy. But of them the 
law of God speaks in its command, Ye shall Ex xxil - 
not eat flesh torn by wild beasts; for they tears 1 - 
dead limbs from the argumentative works of the 
holy fathers, imagining that they thereby prove 
that the fathers generally, like themselves, intro 
duce and teach a plurality of substances, that is, 
of existences in the Godhead. But, without per 
ceiving it, they only convict themselves thereby 
of teaching and proclaiming a plurality of God 
heads and many Gods, as the heathen do. 


V. ii. The further history of the Tritheites is given in 
few words; for these teachers of polytheism under 
Conon and Eugenius as their heads, flourished for 
a time greatly, and multiplied their bishops, and 
sent them in all directions to increase and esta 
blish their heresy, and posted also several in the 
capital, who opened there large meeting-houses, 
and gathered numerous congregations, to whom 
they taught their tenets boldly and without fear, 
because John, the patriarch of the city, was ori 
ginally inclined to help them. But when, upon 
his death, Eutychius returned as his successor, 
he sent and seized all he could find of that por 
tion of them, who separated themselves from the 
followers of his own favourite heresy x , the denial 
of the resurrection of the body, stripped their 
churches of their furniture, and overthrew and 
unrooted their altars : while their bishops and 
leading men he arrested and confined in various 
monasteries, where they were forced to remain 
in inactivity for many years. 

V. 12. One alone recanted his errors and returned to 
the orthodox church, a Cilician bishop, conse 
crated by Conon, but whose name is not given, 
though he is said to have been a man of note. 

x This refers to what John asserts in ii. 36,51, that Euty 
chius was a zealous follower of that portion of Philoponus 
doctrine, which teaches that at the resurrection the bodies which 
rise are not these present bodies, but new ones in their stead. 
As Theodora s nephew adopted this tenet in opposition to Conon, 
its followers are known in church history as Athanasians. 


When, however, he knew and understood the 
false doctrine contained in their heresy, he 
turned from them, and offered to the orthodox 
a writing of recantation, and anathematized the 
Cononites, and their heresy, and was added to 
the side of the believers. 

Elsewhere we have an incidental mention of 
them under the name of Condobaudites, a title, 
which, though frequently applied to the followers 
of Conon generally, seems properly to belong to 
a small section confined to Constantinople, where 
the monastery was situated, from which they 
took their name. 

Their existence, it seems, was owing to their II. 45- 
dislike of a sermon preached at the capital by 
Theodosius of Alexandria, against the two here 
sies of the Tritheites and the Sabellians, certain 
expressions of which offended them as appearing 
to imply that he also introduced a diversity of 
nature and substance into the Godhead. For 
this reason they withdrew and assembled apart, 
but they had no head, and no one to make 
priests for them : and therefore they often made 
the attempt to gain admission into the commu 
nion of the believers. Conferences accordingly 
took place, and such of them as had knowledge 
to discern what was fitting, united themselves 
unto them ; and such as had no knowledge fool 
ishly and without fitting reason wickedly con 
tinued as they were. 

In his account of Conon, the Tritheite heresi- 

arch, John mentioned that he was delivered into 



the hands of Photius, with instructions to im 
prison him in Palestine ; and this induces our 
historian to give some details respecting this 
personage, who, individually worthless, is never 
theless deserving of interest on account of the 
ill treatment he experienced from his mother, 
Anton ina, wife of the patrician Belisarius, and 
the bosom friend and confidante of the unworthy 
I. 32. Theodora. Photius had been bred, he tells us, 
to the profession of arms, and had accompanied 
his stepfather in several campaigns ; but, finally, 
for some reason, into which he does not enter, he 
had assumed the tonsure - v , and the monkish dress, 
though he by no means conformed to their mo 
rals, but had put on the appearance of a monk 
under a borrowed name, by which is meant, 
not that he concealed who he was, but that his 
adoption of the profession of a monk was but a 
pretence. And this soon led him to repent of 
the step he had taken; for shortly afterwards, 
being unable to quell the savageness of his 
temper, and bend it unto piety, he betook him 
self to the king, still clad outwardly in the mo 
nastic garb. Now it so happened that the Sa 
maritans were in a state of revolt, and the king 
therefore sent him with full powers into Syria. 
As his wish then was to please men, and anger 
the God who made him, by running on every 
pretext after impure gains, he gave himself up 
to the spoiling and plundering and oppressing 

y The tonsure, as I have shewn in my notes to Cyril, was at 
this date peculiar to monks. 


of mankind, till he became their uprooter and 
destroyer; and all the regions in the east, great 
and small, were ruined as utterly as if they had 
been pillaged by barbarians: and so great was 
the terror he inspired, that even the bishops and 
clergy of the cities fled from before him : for if 
he heard of any one whatsoever, either in the 
city or the country, possessing in sufficiency his 
daily bread, he seized them, and plundered them, 
and imprisoned them, and hung them up, and 
tortured them, and imposed upon them a fine of 
a pound of gold, whoever they might be, whether 
they were worth as much or not. Nor could he 
l)e induced to alter his sentence, even though a 
man had to sell himself and his children into 
slavery, and his household, and his substance, 
For when he laved hands on any one, whatso 
ever he said, Give me so many pounds of gold : 
for the king has need of gold to expend upon 
his wars. And in this way he gathered together 
hundreds of pounds of gold, and sent them to the 
king, in order that he might obtain authority and 
power from him to do whatever he liked to whom 
soever he liked, and that no man might stand 
before him. For he even exacted large sums 
from bishops ; and if any one resisted him, forth 
with on the very spot he strung him up to a 
rope fixed either behind his head, or to his el 
bows, or to one arm. And in this way, it is 
said, he served the bishop of Askalon, on whom 
he levied a contribution of three hundred pounds 
of gold : and when the bishop bewailed, and 

F 2 


begged for mercy, saying he had not so much, 
he ordered him to he hung up by a rope, and 
left him hanging, and went on his way, leaving 
orders that though he should hang for three 
days, they should not let him down till the 
money was paid. Nor was he loosed from the 
rope till the three hundred pounds of gold were 
brought. And he treated the rest in many in 
stances in a similar manner, till the land 
trembled before him, and all the magistrates 
and governors and the rest of the lords. And 
when many went to the king, and in his pre 
sence implored for mercy, he wrote to Photius, 
saying, The money you - send us being got by 
plunder is a sin ; but he wrote in reply, Do not 
you be afraid, my lord, of sin, in respect of the 
gold which I send you : the sin is on my head/ 

In these doings he was accompanied by a 
crowd of monks fit for such deeds, and members 
even of the imperial family, and officers of the 
household troops, and guardsmen, and a host 
of Romans 2 . And when in this base course 

z The spatharii were the emperor s bodyguard, so called from 
the o-Trddr] or broadsword which they wore. By Romans are 
meant the inhabitants of Constantinople, who had so appropri 
ated this name that the modern Greek language is to this day 
called Romaic, and the country about Constantinople Roumelia. 

The SeorTroTiKot were members of the imperial family. The 
later emperors often even called themselves despot upon their 

The domestic! were the emperor s household troops, to whom 
was intrusted the charge of his person : and as they were gene 
rally selected for the command of other troops, the word dome- 


of destruction and wickedness and cruelty, de 
void of all fear of God, he had fulfilled a period 
of twelve years, his alloted time overtook him, 
and he descended to the tomb by a miserable 
end, and with an accursed remembrance. And 
there was appointed in his stead a certain Abra 
ham, the abbot of what is called the new mo 
nastery in Jerusalem. 

Returning from this digression, our historian I. 33- 
proceeds with some further particulars respecting 
the persecution, and says, that in the midst of it 
a missive was sent to Alexandria, the chief seat 
of the orthodox, requiring the presence of certain 
of their learned men and jurists, or, as they were 
then called, sophists and scholastics, and with 
them many others, including some of their great 
shipowners, the most powerful class in that 
wealthy city. Their secret purpose in requiring 
their presence was to compel them to communi 
cate with the synod, but their pretext was the 
wish to consult how they might best restore 
the unity of the church. And in fact they did 
treat with them in both ways, but finally re 
quired them to communicate. But they refused, 
and resisted for many days, or rather for a whole 
year, manfully, nor would they give way or sub- 

sticus became equal to captain, just as the comites or immediate 
attendant of the kings in the middle ages became high officers, 
* counts. It was also the title of an ecclesiastical dignitary, 
whose business was to preside over the chanting in church in 
modern phrase, a precentor. 


mit in the least. Arid, finally, they were let go, 
because those in authority were afraid to pro 
ceed to acts of open violence, as the capital 
depended upon Alexandria for its supplies of 
wheat. A few, however, of them were detained 
for a period of three years, but when they proved 
inflexible, all alike were set free. 

I. 34. The heads, however, of the orthodox clergy at 
Alexandria were soon afterwards arrested, and 
sent to the capital on a different charge : for in 
formation being sent to the king that the bishops 
there, upon the death of the blessed Theodo- 
sius, had consecrated, not one bishop in his 
stead, but two, he was highly displeased, and 
ordered the arrest of all their leading men, and 
that they should be sent to him, and this was 
also done, for they were arrested and conducted 
thither, and detained for about a year, until 
the patriarch John died, and was succeeded by 
Eutychius, who had occupied the throne before 
him, and who immediately upon his arrival dis 
missed them to their homes a . 

I. 35. But besides these some pious Egyptians were 
also summoned to the capital to search into 
future things. For again and again they sent 
to Egypt to bring from thence certain hermits 
who had the reputation of knowing secrets, and 

a The fourth book of John s history, from the thirteenth chapter 
to the end, is chiefly occupied with the detail of the disastrous 
consequences to the whole Monophysite party of the consecration 
there by different factions of two opposing bishops, Theodore and 


of understanding things future ; as for instance, 
how many years the king and queen would live, 
and who would be his successor ; and other things 
of the same sort. And some of them, when re 
quired to prophecy these things, refused, and 
confessed that they knew nothing about them : 
but they spake of correction and judgment 
and righteousness, and that the doing of these 
things pleases God, and brings men near unto 
Him. Such, then, as would not consent dis 
gracefully to give an answer as men-pleasers, 
according as they were required, were immedi 
ately sent away and driven from the city to go 
to their own land : while those who, through de 
sire of human applause, yielded themselves to 
the task of discerning the secrets of future time 
were held in honour, and lived in ease and 
luxury, with their wants supplied from the royal 
table. And this was done, not once only, but 
again and again. 

But to return now to the main thread of the I. 36. 
narrative ; although the monasteries, as has been 
mentioned above, were treated with lawless vio 
lence, yet but few of the members had submitted 
to communion with the patriarch, and the rest 
had been expelled, and sent to other monasteries, 
while clergy were everywhere introduced in their 
stead, to celebrate the holy communion, and ad 
minister it to those who had yielded to him. 
The name, moreover, of the synod was written 
up, and proclaimed in them, and the pictures of 
all the orthodox fathers taken down, and those 


of John himself every where set up. But as he 
had done, so was he requited of God. For after 
his bitter and painful death, and the succession 
of Eutychius his predecessor upon the throne, 
his pictures in all places were utterly destroyed, 
and those of Eutychius fixed up in the churches 
in their stead. Most also of the nunneries re 
turned to their old creed, and became orthodox, 
except a few young girls, who still went every 
day and received the sacrament from the clergy 
in communion with the synod, and assumed the 
monastic dress : but the rest openly seceded, and 
not a single one of them would take the com 
munion at their hands, especially after the death 
of John. 

I. 37. And even before his death, John, still intoxi 
cated with wrathful zeal for the persecution of 
Christians, and thirsting, like a wolf, for the 
blood of the lambs, went into the presence of 
the peaceful and serene Cesar b Tiberius, being 
anxious to inflame him also with the same 
angry zeal as himself. But after he had ex 
hausted his arguments against the believers, the 
Cesar replied, Tell me now the truth : who are 
these persons about whom you ask me, and 
whom you urge me to persecute ? are they hea 
thens? The patriarch, knowing that deceit was 

b The title Cesar at this period of the Byzantine empire sig 
nified the successor designate to the throne : and he was usually 
addressed by the epithets of " serene," and " peaceful," just as 
the emperor was always " victorious," the patriarch " merciful," 
and so on. 


impossible, answered, Heathens they are not. 
What then/ said he, are they heretics? No, 
my lord/ he replied, neither are they heretics. 
4 Well then/ said he, as you yourself bear wit 
ness, they are Christians/ They are so indeed/ 
he replied, Christians of the Christians/ If 
then, as you bear witness/ said the Cesar, they 
are Christians, why do you urge me to persecute 
Christians, as if I were a Diocletian, or one of 
those old heathen kings ? Go, sit in thy church, 
and be quiet, and do not trouble me again with 
such things / And so the heat of his savage- 
ness cooled down, until the wrath of Heaven 
overtook him, as we have mentioned above, and 
he departed from this life. And when his suc 
cessor, Eutychius, returned to his throne, being 
incited by those clergy who had become habituated 
to plunder and rapine, he also had an audience 
with the serene Tiberius Constantinus Cesar/ 
and spake much against the whole party of the 
believers. But he gave him also for answer; 
We have enough to do with the wars against 
the barbarians, which surround us on every side : 
we cannot stir up another war against Christ 
ians. Go and sit quiet. If however, by word 
and admonition, you can persuade them, do so : 
but if not, let them alone, and do not persecute 

c This story is related again in B. iii. 1 2, with the addition, 
that Tiberius said to the patriarch, " Now on your oath," and 
that though John was a great hypocrite, he would not venture 
on oath to tell a falsehood. 


them, nor trouble me, who am exposed to the 
attacks of war from every quarter. And so 
he also was rebuffed for the present, and kept 

I. 38. But even while John lived, the orthodox con 
gregations grew in strength, and lifted up their 
heads again. For though he had driven away 
their inmates, and closed their doors, yet when 
God sent down upon him from heaven the chas 
tisement of his heavy wrath, they all began to 
take courage, and reopened them : at first indeed 
timidly, and quietly, and little by little, and so 
even during his lifetime they obtained consider 
able additions to their number, and multiplied. 
But when he was scourged by the wrath of God, 
and his mind enwrapped in the deadly fire which 
was fixed in his heart and burning in his bowels, 
the orthodox acted more boldly ; and finally, his 
adherents and the ministers of his wickedness, 
as if knowing his will, went unto him, and said, 
Lo ! once again these enemies of the church 
and synod have opened the doors of their 
meeting-houses, and are spreading more than 
ever, and rejoice in thy sickness, and pray for 
thy death. But if thou wilt give us the com 
mand, we will torture them more sharply than 
at the first, and heap evils upon them/ But he 
in wTath, and with loud voice, resisted them, 
saying, Depart from me, ye murderers, and be 
content with my humiliation ; for it is ye who 
have chiefly brought me to this miserable state. 
There are curses enough already uttered, which 


have roused and brought down upon me the 
wrath of Heaven. Away with you, and let no 
man ever mention this subject again in my pre 
sence/ And so they departed humbled from be 
fore him. And thus then, as we have said, both 
before his death, which was not long delayed, 
and after his death, the congregations of the be 
lievers once again met in full security. 

One monastery 11 , the history of which deserves I. 39. 
especial mention, was built by the famous eunuch 
Narses, when holding the office of chartulary at 
the court of Justinian, before he was sent to re 
store the fortunes of the empire in Italy. His 
purpose had been to retire from the palace, and 
adopt the monkish tonsure, and reside in it; and 
with this object he located there the monks who 
had been driven out of Cappadocia by persecu 
tion, and purchased a large estate, upon which 
he erected a magnificent church, and a hospice 
for the reception of strangers, and finally, en 
dowed the monastery with large revenues. But 
just then he received orders to proceed to Rome : 
and there, by the help of God which went with 
him, he gained numerous and important vic 
tories in many successive campaigns. And there 
finally he departed from this world, and his 
bones were brought and deposited in his mo 
nastery, in the presence of the king and queen, 

d This monastery is mentioned in the Chronographia of Theo- 
dosius Melitenus, p. 95. edidit Tafel, thus, 


who took part in the procession, and deposition 
of the relics, and in his canonization as founder. 
II. 4 6 - In a subsequent part of the history, we have 
some further particulars respecting these Cappa- 
docian monks, who found hut a temporary rest 
ing place in Narses monastery. When he took 
pity upon them, they had just, in the height of 
the persecution in Justinian s time, been expelled 
from a large and well built convent belonging to 
them in Cappadocia, the name of which was Gor- 
dison, and were no less than seventy in number, 
men aged, honourable and zealous. And com 
pelled to wander from place to place, they erected 
buildings, and tried to establish themselves, but 
were repeatedly driven away, until finally they lit 
upon a good and fertile piece of ground, replete 
with every thing essential for their maintenance, 
at Cardynias, near the warm baths of Dephatia, 
upon the straits to the south of Constantinople. 
This one of the king s chamberlains, who was a 
believer, purchased for them, and they settled 
there, and planted a vineyard, and built a large 
church. In process of time the whole band 
of venerable elders slept in their graves, and 
young men alone remained : and finally, when 
. king Justin, attended by the queen and the 
whole senate, were on their way to the w r arm 
baths, they sought admittance and lodged in this 
monastery ; and by promises and gifts prevailed 
upon them to submit themselves, having com 
manded both that their former monastery, from 
which they had been originally driven by perse- 


cution, should be restored to them, and also 
granted them a remission of taxes. And 
thus they brought them to submission, and im 
bued them with their errors, after they had 
struggled for a period of twenty years under the 
miseries of persecution. And now they were 
divided, for part returned and took possession of 
their former monastery, and part stayed where 
they were. And they were confused and trou 
bled : for their ship, so to speak, was wrecked 
at the very mouth of the haven, by their com 
plete perversion from the orthodox faith. 

The rest of the first book is occupied with 
some details respecting the episcopal succession 
in the three great patriarchates of Alexandria, 
Antioch, and Constantinople, as follows : 

As regards the synodite bishops at Alexandria, I. 40- 
after John, who had originally been a patrician 
at the capital, but was sent there, had fulfilled 
his years and died, there came as his successor 
one Eulogius, the head of a hospice at Antioch, 
who was made pope there in the third year of 
the victorious Tiberius. And of the Julianist 
party Dorotheus was bishop, and occupied the 
see for many years. And of the followers of 
Theodosius (that is, the Monophysites) after his 
death, first of all a Syrian was created bi 
shop, named Theodore, the governor of a mo 
nastery. But when the clergy and others learnt 
of his appointment, they turned away, and hav 
ing refused in violation of canonical order to 


receive him, they took the haughty resolution of 
consecrating another besides, whose name was 
Peter; and when he had fulfilled his time and 
consecrated more than eighty bishops, he died, 
and they elected in his stead a Syrian, named 
Damianus, and continued in a state of schism e . 
I. 41- At Antioch the Great, in Syria, Flavianus was 
patriarch in the days of king Anastasius, but 
being convicted of the heresy of the two natures, 
he was deposed from his throne, after occupying 
it certain years. His successor was the orthodox 
Severus, who held the see six years ; but at the 

e Of John, Le Quien (Or. Ch. ii. 438) knows nothing more 
than that his consecration at Constantinople instead of Alexan 
dria gave great offence, as an invasion of the rights of the latter 
see, and that after an episcopate of eleven years he died A. D. 
578, or 579. Eulogius succeeded, he says, in the second year 
of Tiberius, but, according to our author, the third. To him 
Gregory the Great addressed his epistle against the claim of the 
Constantinopolitan patriarchs to the title of universal bishop, 
and the frequent mention of him in the Bibliotheca of Photius, 
attests the important position he held in the East. The Julian- 
istae took their name from Julianus of Halicarnassus, who argued 
that the body of our Lord not merely did not see corruption, 
but was incapable of it : and the character of the times and 
place may be judged from the fact, that having agreed on having 
a bishop in common with the Theodosians, but imagining that 
they were not fairly used in the selection of an abbot named 
John, they seized the unfortunate man, and flayed not his beard 
only, but the skin of the whole lower part of his face. Le Quien 
argues, that Dorotheus was bishop, not of the Julianists, but of 
the Theodosians, but the testimonies he quotes all agree with our 
author. Theodore was unknown to Le Quien, and his acquaint 
ance with Peter and Damianus was also very slight. 


commencement of the reign of Justin L, he was 
expelled, and after spending some years in the 
Egyptian desert, he died there. For a year An- 
tioch had no bishop, but finally there came down 
Paul the Jew, who had been dean of the church 
of St. Euphemia at Chalcedon. He took down 
the diptych on which was inscribed the name of 
the synod of the East f , but after occupying the 
see two years, he was proved to be a Nestorian, 
and was also ejected and expelled. And in his 
place came Euphrasius, a Samaritan, in whose 
seventh year Antioch was overthrown by an 
earthquake, in which he lost his life. And after 
him was Ephraim of Amid, the son of Appianus, 
a worse persecutor than either Paul or Euphra 
sius, and after certain years he died. And his 
successor w^as Domninus, a Roman, who was fol 
lowed by Anastasius, who had held the office of 
Apocrisiarius at Alexandria : but accusations 
were laid against him before Justin II., who de 
posed him, and sent in his stead the abbot of 
the monastery of Mount Sinai, whose name was 

And on the part of those opposed to the synod 

f The Chronicle of Edessa, Ass. B. O. I. 408, says, By the 
providence and care of the God-loving king Justinian, the four 
holy synods had their names inscribed on the diptych of the 
church, to wit, the names of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus, 
and Chalcedon. That of Ephesus is here meant by the synod 
of the East, which was generally distasteful to all persons of 
Nestorian tendencies. 


of Chalcedon *, first of all, after a long time had 

g Flavianus, after a thirteen years episcopate, was ejected by 
a provincial council in A. D. 512, for not condemning with suffi 
cient readiness the council of Chalcedon, as they considered that 
his anathema of it was wrung from him. The expulsion of his 
successor, Severus, was the first act of Justin I., a determined 
upholder of the Chalcedonian tenets, and took place in A. D. 517 : 
how long he lived afterwards is uncertain, but he was alive and 
at Constantinople in A. D. 536. His deposition was followed by 
long discussions, so that no successor was appointed till early in 
A. D. 519, when Paul came to Antioch with special directions 
from Rome that he was to be consecrated in his own see. Hav 
ing however taken a strong course against the Monophysites, he 
was compelled to withdraw in A. D. 521. His successor, Eu- 
phrasius, is said by Evagrius to have been a Jew, and Theophanes 
says that first of all he expunged the name of the synod of Chal 
cedon from the diptych, and that of the pope of Rome : but 
finally repented, and proved his sincerity, as Malalas testifies, by 
putting many of the so called orthodox to death. Ephraim was 
originally Comes Orientis, but his care of the people of Antioch 
in the distress occasioned by the earthquake, made them vehe 
mently desire him to take orders, and be their bishop. He held 
the see eighteen years, and an account of his writings in defence 
of the council of Chalcedon may be seen in Photius Bib. cc. 227, 
228. Domnus, or Domninus, was bishop from A. D. 545 to A. D. 
559. Anastasius is famous for his bold resistance to Justinian, who 
had asked his opinion about his favourite theory of our Lord s 
body being incorruptible. His deposition in A. D. 569 is said 
to have been caused by his answer to the question, sent to him 
from Constantinople, why he so squandered the revenues of his 
see ? That Justin may not plunder them, he replied, who is the 
ruin of the whole world. But others ascribe it to his resistance 
to the attempts made by John Scholasticus to claim the right 
of consecrating the other patriarchs, as in the case of John the 
Patrician mentioned above. Of Gregory, who held the patri- 


elapsed, they consecrated in the place of Severus, 
one Sergius, a man sprung from the town of 
Tela, and after fulfilling three years, he died at 
the capital, where he chanced to be. And again 
after an interval Paul was appointed as his suc 
cessor, an Alexandrian, and Syncellus of Theo- 
dosius of Alexandria ; but who, as regards his 
government and fame, fell upon evil days : for 
by reason of the schism which took place be 
tween him and the blessed Jacob, the church of 
the believers was split into two parts, and both 
sides entered upon unappeasable wars and con 
tentions one with the other. And the opponents 
of Paul, after Jacob s death, set up, contrary to 
law, another patriarch at Antioch, named Peter, 

archate from A. D. 569 to A. D. 593, and whose business talents 
caused him to be repeatedly employed by the Roman emperors 
on the most important transactions in the East, very extraor 
dinary revelations are made by our author, whether they are 
true or false. His own friends extol him for three things his 
bounty in almsgiving, the readiness with which he forgave inju 
ries, and the copiousness of his tears. Le Quien ii. 729-736. 

Of the Jacobite patriarchs, Bar-Hebrseus names Sergius as the 
immediate successor of Severus, and says he was a monk in a 
monastery near Tela, or Constantina in Osrhoene. After an epi 
scopate of three years he died, and the history of his successors, 
Paul the Black, and Peter of Callinicus, is so fully given by our 
author, that any further details are unnecessary. The patri 
archate thus commenced has continued to the present time, and 
Le Quien gives the history of no less than 80 persons, who up to 
A. D. 1721 had held in regular succession the oversight of the 
Monophysites in the East. 



of the city of Callinicus. Such then were the 
events which followed in rapid succession, up 
to the time when these things were written, and 
which is the year eight hundred and ninety-two 
(A.D. 581). 

I. 4 2 - At Constantinople during the reign of Justi 
nian, on the death of Epiphanius, Anthimus was 
translated to the patriarchate, having previously 
been bishop of Trapezuntium. And after holding 
the see a year, on Severus of Antioch being sum 
moned from Egypt by the command of Justinian, 
that they might confer upon the means of unity, 
and Anthimus had learnt by the arguments of 
Severus the unsoundness and erroneousness of 
the synod of Chalcedon, and the blasphemies of 
Leo in his letter, he left the throne of the capital, 
and withdrew and united himself to Severus and 
Theodosius of Alexandria. And after him the 
metropolitan see was occupied by a certain Men- 
nas, who had been the warden of Sampson s hos 
pital. And when he had fulfilled his years, he 
left this world : and in his stead arose a young 
monk, who was Apocrisiarius of Amasea, and 
when he had occupied the throne about twelve 
years, he was deposed and ejected, and John, a 
Syrian, of Sirimis, a village in the territory of 
Antioch, succeeded him. And upon his appoint 
ment he pronounced sentence of deposition 
against Eutychius, and Eutychius pronounced a 
similar sentence against him. And after John 
had fulfilled twelve years and a half, he died : 


and Eutychius was summoned again, and re 
turned to his throne h . 

h Epiphanius succeeded John the Cappadocian A. D. 520, and 
after a patriarchate of fifteen years died in 535. Anthimus his 
successor was appointed by the influence of Theodora, but as 
Marcellinus tells us (ap. Le Quien, Or. Chris, i. 223) he was ex 
pelled by a synod summoned by Agapetus, pope of Rome, for 
having deserted his original diocese, an act called, in the theolo 
gical language of the times, adultery. Evagrius however, iv. n, 
confirms the statements of our author. Mennas held the patri 
archate from A. D. 536 to A.D. 552. The hospital, of which he 
was previously warden, was built at Constantinople by Sampson, 
for the relief of the sick and poor, and rebuilt, enlarged, and 
amply endowed by Justinian. His successor, Eutychius, is com 
memorated in the Greek church as a saint, and his life, written 
by his syncellus Eustathius, is still extant. He died in A. D. 
582, but John Scholasticus occupied the throne for twelve years 
and a half of his patriarchate, from A. D. 564 to A. D. 577. 

End of the First Book of the Narratives of the 
Church, in which are contained forty- 
two chapters. 



AT the commencement of the Second Book, 
John returns to his main subject, arid, by way 
of introduction, repeats his account of the great 
grief of the bishops, when they found they had 
been deceived, and the determination to which 
they came of immediately breaking off all further 
communion with the patriarch. His words are 
II. i. as follow : To return then to the narrative of the 
bishops, and the many trials and three separate 
imprisonments, and other things which they had 
to endure, and of which we have given a short 
account in the First Book, as was fitting there 
according to the order of the arrangement; di 
rectly they saw that they had been deceived, 
and that the many promises and repeated oaths 
made to them, to the effect that unity should 
be fulty established, had been broken, having 
been thus induced by fraud twice to communi 
cate, they were in sorrow and mourning and 
trouble without end, and in lamentation and 
bitter sighs, and finally determined and made up 
their minds, that never again should there be 
communion with them and the followers of the 
two natures for ever, even though they dragged 
them to death by the sword or fire. And on 
this account violent anger and great wrath was 
felt against them, and they were all sent into 


exile for the third time, each one of them sepa 
rately ; so that now quickly they were removed 
far away from one another, and severe and bitter 
sentences passed upon them, and great was their 
distress in being thus separated and banished 
far away from their friends and relatives, and 
that, as the sentence ran, even until their deaths. 

Upon the bishops coming to this firm and II. 
mutual resolve, and determining and deciding, 
that never again would they communicate with 
the synodites for ever; and when further they 
resisted and stood up manfully against those 
in power, and much beyond recounting had 
been done and spoken on both sides, in great 
conflict and struggle, sentence of exile was 
finally in bitter gall decreed against them, each 
individually, without mercy. And first of all, 
Paul the patriarch was removed to the mo 
nastery of Abraham, and confined there. But 
while shut up he found a place where a scanty 
light entered his prison, and began in secret to 
write an account of what had been done in the 
church by John of Sirmin : but being watched, 
he was caught in the act of writing, and the 
book taken from him before it was finished. 
And they carried it to John, who took it in 
bitter wrath, and went and read it before the 
king ; and when on hearing it he found that his 
own acts against the orthodox were regarded 
with disapproval, as well as those of the patri 
arch, he too was greatly enraged and embittered 
against Paul, and commanded that they should 


take the book and lay it before Paul, and require 
him to confess whether he were the author : and 
should he do so, they were to make him write 
an acknowledgment with his own hand to that 
effect. On the other hand, should he refuse, 
they were to scourge him to the point of death, 
until he confessed, and then commit him again 
to his prison. The officers accordingly took the 
book to the monastery, and with great anger 
showed it him, and required him to confess in 
writing that he was its author. And he, as 
falsehood was useless, confessed that he wrote it, 
and upon their requisition made with his own 
hand the following acknowledgement, * I Paul 
confess that with my own hand I wrote all these 
things which are in this book/ Upon which, 
leaving him in prison, they carried the book 
back to the king and the patriarch. And so 
great was their indignation, that they threatened 
Paul with death ; and the more so, upon finding 
that he had embodied in it accusations also 
against Rome. And both Paul himself, and all 
men, were alarmed for his life, and expected that 
he would die a painful death, and perish from 
this present life. 
II. 3. Stephan 3 , however, bishop of Cyprus, was then 

a As no attempt is made by John of Ephcsus to arrange his 
Narratives in chronological order, I imagine that it was subse 
quently to the banishment of the four bishops, that the patriarch 
had convinced Stephan of the soundness of the council of Chal- 
cedon, by the extraordinary arguments recorded in c. 16, and as 
he still continued in communion with Chalcedou, though refusing 


in great honour with the king, and boldly ven 
tured to offer a petition in Paul s behalf, pray 
ing that he might be pardoned for his sake, 
and set free from the terrible misery in which he 
was confined. And the king accepted his inter 
cession, and promised that if he would come to 
the capital, and take the communion in his com 
pany, all his offences should be forgiven him. 
Stephan therefore went to him, and after con 
versing with him, induced him by the terrors of 
death to yield himself up, and accordingly he 
came and communicated, and was taken into the 
patriarch s palace. And John, wishing to make 
sport of him before all men, assembled a large 
number of the senators, and certain also of the 
inhabitants of Alexandria, to which city Paul 
belonged b , and made him receive the sacrament 
from his hands afresh, in the presence of them 
all, that even though he should wish after 
wards to return, it might be, as he supposed, 
impossible. From this time the king every 

to be reconsecrated, and was supported in this by Justin, he was 
now dwelling at Constantinople in full possession of the influence 
which, as our author mentions above, he obtained over the weak 
mind of the king. 

h So Dionysius, in his Chronicle, quoted by Ass. B. 0. ii. 6. 
Paul who had been consecrated patriarch of Antioch, by Jacob 
Burdoho, was by birth of Alexandria ; and having partaken of 
the communion with John the Chalcedonian, for the sake of 
peace, he was deposed and ejected; and further, because he had 
secretly consecrated a patriarch of Alexandria ; (of which we 
shall see more hereafter in the history of Longinus). 


day received him, and talked with him on many 
subjects, because he was & wise and intelligent 
man, and well read in books, and even often 
asked his advice on business of state, and re 
peatedly conversed and talked with him con 
fidentially, until John w r as not a little alarmed, 
lest the king should deprive him of his office, 
and substitute Paul in his place. And as John 
was now in much trouble and solicitude, he be 
gan to sound the king, saying, If you, my lord, 
command, we will send father Paul as bishop 
to Jerusalem or to Thessalonica ; for both these 
thrones were vacant. But the king easily per 
ceived his cunning, and, to frighten him the 
more, replied, Leave father Paul alone ; for we 
want him here. And this so alarmed him, that 
he was now thoroughly taken possession of and 
troubled by the idea: and therefore he gradu 
ally relaxed the vigilance with w r hich Paul had 
been hitherto guarded, to prevent his escape, and 
left him without a keeper, and gave his friends 
full liberty of access to him, that he might have 
the opportunity of running away : and Paul, 
nothing loath, fled away, and John once again 
breathed freely. 

II. 8. The manner of his flight is narrated some 
few chapters further on as follows : As it was 
now supposed that Paul of Antioch was suffi 
ciently embued in the doctrine of the two natures, 
and John the patriarch was in great alarm at 
him, he joyfully took the opportunity of suggest 
ing to him the idea of making his escape. And 


as he was no longer guarded, after having spent 
so long a time in the bishop s palace, he mixed 
one evening with the people as they came down, 
and escaping among them unobserved, went for 
refuge to a place prepared for him among some 
ruins. And in time he was sought for, and could 
not be found : and John now being afraid of the 
king, went immediately and informed him of 
Paul s flight. And when he heard of it he was 
astonished, and filled with anger, and com 
manded that all the ferries should be occupied, 
and all ships searched, and all the houses in the 
outskirts of the whole city, and the suburbs, and 
monasteries : even the very tombs were opened, 
and they searched between the rows of corpses 
there : and, finally, urgent orders were sent to 
every town and city to the bishops and govern 
ors, with a description of his person that he 
might be recognised and seized : but still he re 
mained undiscovered. Even his brother, who 
was admiral of the fleet, was arrested, and fell 
into much trouble. Meanwhile Paul during the 
whole of this time was hid, as they say, in the 
city, in a small chamber fixed in the wall, in 
which he found safety for nine months : and the 
vigilance of the watch having finally relaxed, he 
escaped with the privity of the household of 
Mondir, son of Hareth, into Arabia, where he 
met with a hospitable refuge until the time 
when the terrible retribution of Heaven fell upon 
the patriarch John. 

As the patriarch had been thus successful 


separately with two of the four bishops, whose 
constancy collectively he had been unable to 
break, namely, Stephan, bishop of Cyprus, and 
Paul, patriarch of Antioch, he determined next 
to force John of Ephesus to submission by equally 
decided measures, the account of which our au 
thor gives as follows : 

II. 4. When, therefore, Paul had been induced by 
Stephan to go to the capital, and had been re 
ceived there, and the synodites now felt quite 
sure of him, Stephan was next sent to John, 
surnamed, Superintendant of the heathen and 
Idol-breaker, as ambassador from the king and 
patriarch, accompanied by senators and a nume 
rous retinue, to the hospital of Eubulus c , in 
which, after his two former imprisonments in the 
patriarch s palace, and the separation of the bi 
shops from one another, he had been confined 
in the house of afflictions, (or penitentiary,) and 
none of his acquaintance on any pretext per 
mitted to visit him. Hither, then, the embassy 
came, and addressed the prisoner as follows: 
Our lords, the victorious king and patriarch 11 , 
very lovingly ask thy health, and advise thee to 

c The hospital of Eubulus was a late foundation at Constanti 
nople, having been built in the reign of Justin I, and must have 
been situated near the great church of St. Sophia, as the Alexan 
drine chronicle mentions that when that edifice perished by fire, 
the hospitals of Sampson and Eubulus were also destroyed, and 
the sick in them perished in the flames. Du Fresno Con. Chr. 
ii. 163. 

<l Both these substantives are in the plural, the patriarch as 
well as the king taking the pluralis majestatis. 


free thyself from this misery, and come and join 
thy brethren, my lord Paul the patriarch, and 
my lord Elisha, and rejoice them, as also our 
merciful king himself, and the holy patriarch ; 
and ye shall again discuss the best means for 
restoring unity. But he, on hearing these things, 
was stirred up with great zeal to answer those 
who had come to him fiercely and sternly, with 
anathemas and reproaches and insults too many 
to record in writing : and so Stephan and his 
companions retired, embittered and indignant at 
him. After the lapse of a day they were again 
sent unto him, beseeching him in the merciful 
person of the king and patriarch, and saying, 
For the sake of the unity of the church, yield 
thyself up, and come and let us converse, and 
do not thus persist in opposition to union. 
But they had for answer from him things even 
sterner than before ; for he said : Even that for 
mer unity I reject before God and man ; for it 
has proved only an overthrowing and an uproot 
ing and a downfall : and much more too he 
added of a similar kind. And after they had 
often visited him, but he would neither submit 
nor yield to their persuasions, finally they said, 
4 Inasmuch as we know what you will have to 
suffer, and have heard the threats of death de 
nounced against you, and that you will not be 
put to death merely, but in a most painful way, 
feeling sincere sorrow for you, we wish to say, 
that we are innocent of the miseries which you 
will have to bear. But upon hearing this, he 


burnt with zeal, and expressed his detestation 
of them, saying, 4 Even though you eat me 
roasted, if I be but quit of the sight of you, 
I am ready on these terms to be delivered to a 
painful death/ And so, to be brief, they departed 
from him. But Stephanus secretly paid him a 
solitary visit, to tell him of the threats of death 
determined upon against him, and said, See, I 
have come to thee, that I may not witness the 
evils that will fall upon thee ; look to thyself. 
But though much was said, he could not bend 
his determined spirit, and finally left him, and 
departed for Cyprus. 

II. 5. The first addition, however, to the bitter misery 
of his imprisonment arose from a painful attack 
of the gout, which affected both his hands and 
feet, so that he lay like one dead, unable to stir 
himself, or move either hand or foot : and in this 
state he was cut off from all human solicitude, 
and especially from the care which his relatives 
would gladly have shown him. But besides this 
he was tormented night and day with the nume 
rous vermin with which his prison swarmed. 
For, first of all he was eaten up with innumer 
able lice, and the cell, moreover, in which he was 
imprisoned was full of fleas, which day and night 
tormented him out of his life ; nor was this all, 
for the fetid smell of the hospital attracted infi 
nite numbers of flies and gnats, which settled 
upon him, and neither could he move a hand to 
chase them away, nor was there any one to drive 
them from him. And the fourth and bitterest 


trial of all was occasioned by the bugs at night, 
which then left their hiding-places, and covered 
both him and the mattress on which he lay till 
his face and eyes were inflamed and swollen, nor 
could he brush them away. And another, and 
that his fifth trial, arose from gnats, which, in 
company with the vermin last mentioned, all 
night long stung him like fire, especially upon 
the face, and every part of his body not covered 
with the bedclothes. And so great was his dis 
tress, and the inflammation caused by the five 
plagues, which encompassed his body within and 
without, that he wept and lamented, but there 
was no man to come to his cry, either by night 
or by day, though he burnt like fire from the 
stings of all these vermin. And, moreover, Satan 
brought upon him yet a sixth trial, in some mice 
which climbed up and made their nest under the 
pillow which supported his head, and all night 
long they were scratching and squeaking there. 
All these distresses were added to the pain of 
imprisonment and sickness, with no one to help 
him : and it may be that the record of these 
things will excite the laughter and ridicule of 
those who have never been tried, nor fallen into 
misery, and who, in the words of our Lord, 
should rather watch and pray that they enter not 
into trial. 

From the exhaustion caused by these tortures, II. 6. 
and the inflamed state of his body from the 
stings of these manifold and bitter vermin, the 
aforesaid John came almost to his last breath : 


for besides the bitter pains which tormented 
him, there was the hopelessness of his neglected 
state, while he looked for some one to pity him, 
and there was no man, and for a comforter, and 
one was not found ; and that such was his state, 
from the severity of his trials, he himself after 
wards repeatedly declared, both in numerous 
letters, and in his defence addressed to the synod 
of the east, and to all classes of the believers, 
in which he described all these things, and 
the vision which he saw, protesting before God 
that he did not exceed the bounds of truth, nor 
add a single word either to the narrative of his 
sufferings or to the facts of the vision which ap 
peared unto him openly. And the account which 
he gave, as in the sight of all men, was as fol 
lows : When I was scourged by all these trials, 
and was sick in spirit, and despaired of my life, 
there came one day a youth of beautiful aspect, 
clad in a white tunic with fringes of spotless 
purity, and as he gently approached me, I ima 
gined that he was one of the attendants upon 
the sick, who after the midday meal, when all 
were sleeping, and the doors closed, and silence 
everywhere prevailed, had visited me because I 
was inflamed and feverish, both from the an 
noyance of the vermin and my grievous pains. 
Approaching me quietly, he said, Peace be to 
thee, father ! What is thy cry ? How art thou ? 
Fear not. And I, indeed in the deep affliction of 
my spirit caused by my great misery, said unto 
him, Why askest thou, my son, when thou 


thyself seest me in such great torture? But the 
young man said unto me, * Cheer up, father, and 
let not thy spirit be sad, but give thanks unto 
God, who hath not left thee : for thy affliction is 
not forgotten by Him/ And I replied, What 
cheer or what consolation can there be for me, 
who die miserably, not merely from the violence 
of these cruel pains, which, as my sins deserve, 
are laid upon me, but also from all these ver 
min which encompass me, and eat me up, and 
I have none to bear me in their mind, that I 
might at least be comforted by the sight of 
them? 7 And he said, We know that thou art 
afflicted, and that there is no man to take care 
of thee : and, moreover, that thou art tormented 
with pain, and with the vermin, and therefore 
have I come unto thee, to visit and encourage 
thee. For I know also that thou art thirsty, and 
that there is no one to give thee water, and 
therefore have I brought thee a cooling draught : 
God will help thee ; cheer up ; and know, that as 
great as is thy present affliction, so will God 
multiply thy recompense. Be not sad, nor faint 
in spirit/ And when he had so spoken, and much 
to this effect, he went out and returned, bearing 
a cup, in which were wondrous mixtures which 
sparkled like fire ; and he gave it me, and I 
drank it with joy and delight, and my spirit was 
refreshed, and I gave thanks unto God. And to 
the youth, I told my gratitude, and said, c God 
have mercy upon thee, my son, in that thou hast 
done unto me this kindness, and hast visited and 


comforted and cheered me. And after he had 
consoled me with many words, and said, To-mor 
row I will visit thee again at this time/ he went 
away : and I was so cheered by the sight and 
speech of the young man, that all my pains and 
miseries grew light. And again on the morrow 
he came at the same time, and asked me of my 
state, saying, Cheer up, and be not sad ; for great 
shall be thy reward which thou shall receive 
from God for thy heavy affliction : and thou 
shalt be delivered from thy distress, and thy 
people shall assemble themselves to thee : for 
God is with thee. Let not thy spirit be sad. 
And after thus talking with me for some time, 
he departed. And on the third day, when my 
eyes were straining in hope of his coming, he 
came not : and I was greatly distressed, and in 
deep affliction. But on the fourth day he came 
again at the same hour, and said, I know that 
thou art distressed, because I came not to thee 
yesterday : but be not grieved, for I will not for 
sake thee/ And again he spake much to comfort 
me, and so departed. And thus for eight days he 
came to and fro to me, and I was in wonder at 
his comeliness, and the beauty of his features, 
and at the speech and knowledge of the young 
man so lovely of aspect. And after he had come 
in unto me and gone out eight times, th<* syn- 
cellus of the patriarch visited me to sound me, 
and after he had used to me many arguments, I 
finally replied, Your treatment of me is on a par 
with your schismatic faith; for you act to me like 


heathens, and do a heathen deed, in that when 
you see me in this extreme misery, yon fear not 
God enough to grant me even one of my servants, 
whom you have shut up in prison, to wait upon 
me/ And after he had replied, and much had passed 
between us, and I had sharply handled him, and 
rebuked him, he went out from me in hot anger, 
and brought me one of my servants, and said, 
See, here is a servant to wait upon you, and curse 
us no more / and so saying, he angrily departed. 
And from the time I had a servant, the young 
man came not again, nor did I ever see him 
more. And when I was astonished and vexed at 
this, still supposing that he was one of the at 
tendants, I said to the officer who guarded me, 
A young man of your attendants used to come 
to me 5 and comfort me, and visit me: but for 
some days from the time that I have had a 
servant to wait upon me, he has come to me no 
more. Tell me, who is he ? and is he ill V And 
the guard enquired, What was the young man 
like ? And he answered, * He was of a beautiful 
aspect, and very handsome in person, and bright 
and fair in countenance, and clad in a tunic of 
spotless white, with rows of embroidery above 
and below/ And the keeper said, None of our 
attendants resembles what you describe/ But 
he answered, I assure you that for eight days he 
came in unto me and went out, and comforted 
and cheered me, and talked with me wisely and 
sensibly : but the keeper said, * We have no such 
person as you describe/ And then he went and 



collected all the servants, and set them before 
him, and said, See, here are all the attendants, 
nor have we any besides : look if any of them is 
he/ And when he had attentively considered them 
all, he acknowledged that it was not any one of 
them. Upon which the keeper said, A vision of 
God has appeared unto thee, and visited thee, my 
father : and one of the angels or of the saints has 
been sent unto thee, to strengthen and encourage 
thee : for we have no such person as you de 
scribe/ And thereupon John was in astonish 
ment, and being full of wonder and amazement, 
he carefully considered the words and the wis 
dom and the answers of that youth of wonderful 
aspect, and said, 4 1 verily looked upon him as one 
of the attendants, but God knows who and what 
he is : but me he hath greatly helped ; for he 
brought me a cup of mixtures, at which I 
wondered, so bright were they and admirable ; 
and all my pains were lightened. And I my 
self was astonished at the wise and edifying 
words which came out of his mouth, and won 
dered whether one so excellent attended merely 
upon the sick in your hospital. Henceforward, 
therefore, in admiration of the goodness of God 
which has been shown us, we will praise, as in 
duty bound, the God Who doeth all in His love, 
and Who alone knoweth the vision of this young 
man, and who it was that visited us, and alle 
viated our misery/ 

II. 7- In this prison John passed twelve months and 
nine days, in addition to his two confinements in 


the patriarch s palace : but as even this did not 
appease the malice of John of Sirmin, orders 
came for his removal from the hospice, and 
transportation to an island in the sea, where he 
was again imprisoned, and treated with great 
rigour, strict orders being given that none of his 
friends should on any account be permitted to 
speak to him. But when he had spent upon the 
island a period of eighteen months, the chastise 
ment of God overtook the patriarch in so marked 
a manner as to cause fear and astonishment and 
terror to both sides alike. And so, finally, upon 
the command of the Cesar Tiberius, orders were 
sent to free John from his prison, and bring him 
to the capital, where he dwelt under the surveil 
lance of keepers rather more than three years, 
until the death of the persecutor, John of 

All these things will be found also in the nu 
merous letters written by him to various per 
sons as soon as he obtained his freedom, together 
with the vision of the young man who came to 
him. And let no one who falls in with both the 
former narrative and also this present account be 
surprised if he find that they differ from one an 
other in some points being added and others left 
out : since the utmost he professes is to give a 
succinct account of what took place for the glory 
of God. He has omitted, therefore, and passed 
by much in his former narrative on account of 
its too great length, w^hile other particulars he 
has more fully recorded, and especially some of 



the details of the vision, and other points, it may 
be, as well, though even in them he has used 
the greatest possible brevity, in order that they 
might simply be short memorials, and lest, should 
he relate them too fully, they should be regarded 
as wearisome by such as afterwards fall in with 

The determination of the king and patriarch 
to compel all parties to accept the council of 
Chalcedon not only brought ecclesiastics into 
trouble, but also many of the chief laity at court. 
For as Sophia had originally been brought up in 
Theodora s tenets, most of the officers of her 
household belonged to the Monophysite party, 
and apparently had not hitherto been interfered 
with. But now determined measures were taken 
to bring them to obedience, and John details the 
resistance made by many of them, and even by 
ladies, in the following succession of narratives. 
II. 9- At this time, when every body was possessed 
by great fear at the stern and terrible threats of 
the king, many grew alarmed, and submitted 
themselves to communion. For he even gave 
orders that no one should attend his levee to 
salute him on Easterday unless he had previ 
ously partaken of the sacrament in his company. 
As disobedience to this command entailed loss of 
office as well as the king s displeasure, most of 
them were terrified, and went over to his com 
munion. A few, however, stayed away, though 
convinced that by so doing they passed sen- 


tence of death upon themselves, so taken were 
most of them by abject terror. Among these 
was Andrew, the queen s chamberlain and purse- 
bearer, a man of active and fervent zeal, and 
earnest in the ways of virtue from his youth 
up, and constant in fasting and prayer. At the 
commencement of the persecution most of the 
chamberlains, and ladies of the court, and the 
queen s chief officer of the household, whose 
name was Stephan, were members of the ortho 
dox community, and had been so from the days of 
Theodora ; but they were prevailed upon by fear, 
and submitted to take the communion with the 
king from the hands of the synodites; but An 
drew alone was firm, and stood up manfully with 
mind fully prepared to struggle even unto death. 
Their majesties therefore, and the chamberlains 
on both sides, with the view of obtaining favour, 
attacked him w r ith strife and argument : but he 
was not in the least frightened at them all, nor 
ceased from contending with them, nor gave 
way: and this made the king repeatedly utter 
the most fearful threats of death itself against 
him. And as he still would not yield a single 
point, nor humble himself, nor shew fear of him, 
the king once grew so angry that he even struck 
him with his hands in a fury, because he so boldly 
and firmly resisted him, answering in his turn 
when he required him to communicate with those 
who acknowledged the synod, and arguing, and 
manfully resisting him in words such as the fol 
lowing : I confess that you are my lord, and I am 


your slave : and my body is in your hands, to do 
Avith it whatsoever you will : but over my soul 
you have no power, for it is in the hands of God, 
and my faith is for ever, and neither shall ye nor 
any other change it, because I believe in God. 
And in this way constantly every day they 
argued one with the other. And as both their 
majesties loved him for his nobleness and virtue, 
and valued his good sense and knowledge, they 
were the more anxious to obtain his submission, 
that he might still remain in their service : and 
the king even said in the presence of several of 
his courtiers, What shall we do with this auda 
cious fellow r who resists and disobeys us ? for 
such a mind and brain as he possesses is not in 
all our court besides, so that we do not wish to 
send him away, nor can we possibly let him stay 
if he refuse us his obedience/ Accordingly they 
long bore with him in the hope that finally they 
would convert him, but when he gave no signs 
of yielding, the king at length briefly said to him, 
4 Either submit to us, and take the communion 
with us, or get out of our palace/ Upon which 
Andrew immediately divested himself of his robe 
of office 6 , and joyfully laying it at the king s feet, 
said, Never hast thou shown me a greater kind 
ness than this, in separating me from the service 
of men, and making me give myself to His min 
istry and service, Who created me and brought 
me into the world ; for henceforth I will serve 

e This was the rrapayavdis, for which cf. Du Cange Glos. sub 


Him alone. So saying, he left the king s court, 
and was confined in a miserable prison in the 
building called " the palace of Hormisdas f :" and 
there, after some time, he received a visit from 
the king s curator, who was sent partly to coax 
and partly to terrify him, and see whether he 
would give way. and communicate with them, 
and not lose his post. The conference lasted for 
a long time, and at first the curator had recourse 
only to admonitions and flatteries and persecu 
tions : but when he saw that he would not give 
way, he began to threaten and terrify him, say 
ing, Look to thy life, lest I be compelled to exe 
cute upon thee, what I have been commanded/ 
Upon which Andrew bent down his neck, and 
stretching out his head before him, said, Thou 
art not a living man, and may God shew thee no 
mercy if thou dost not bring thy sword and take 
off my head. But do not mistake, either thou or 
those that sent thee, and suppose that I ever 
have on any account held communion with those 
who divide into two our Lord Jesus Christ, or 
ever will the Lord forbid. And may God shew 
thee no mercy, if thou dost not at once take off 
my head, arid rid me of the burden of this life/ 

f The palace of Hormisdas was originally a mere house, the use 
of which was granted to Hormisdas, when he fled to Constanti 
nople for refuge from the ci uelty of his brother, Sapor, king of 
Persia : but when subsequently Justinian dwelt there, before he 
attained to the empire, he conceived so great an attachment for 
it, that he rebuilt it magnificently, and added it to the palace 
by a covered way. 


Upon hearing this, the curator departed, and 
carried his report to the king and queen, who 
greatly wondered, but also were vexed at his 
conduct: and in hope still of making him give 
way, they gave orders for his removal and im 
prisonment in the monastery of Dalmatus&, 
which was the highest in rank of all the reli 
gious houses both in the capital and its suburbs. 
They brought him out, therefore, and removed 
him in the most public manner by day, in the 
hope of frightening him : but Andrew, as they 
led him through the city amidst crowds of 
people, was full of joy and eagerness, and gave 
praise to God that he was accounted worthy to 
suffer imprisonment for the true faith, while 
the mob ran together to see the queen s purse- 
bearer stripped of worldly office, and conduct 
ed to prison for the true faith s sake. And 
all men wondered at him, and many glorified 
God who had given him the strength thus to 
despise the world ; and many too were confirmed 
in the faith when thus they saw him cheerful 
and joyous, and gave praise to God on his ac 
count. But the monks and others who had 

The monastery of Dalmatus (for so we ought to read, the 
mark of the plural both here and constantly in the case of the 
monastery of Eubulus being an error of the copyist, who mistook 
the waw, which represents the genitive case, rov AaX^idrou, for a 
plural termination) was the highest in rank and most ancient 
and celebrated of all the religious houses at Constantinople. It 
was founded in the reign of Theodosius the younger, and an ac 
count of it will be found in l)u Fresne Const. Christ, ii. 154. 


charge of him tried to pull up the hood of his 
cloak to cover his head : but he uncovered it, 
saying, It is a great glory to me to die for 
Christ s truth : and no man may make my glory 
ing vain. His imprisonment lasted three years, 
at the end of which came the chastisement of 
his persecutors, and he was set free, but not re 
stored to his office at court. 

From this history of her pursebearer, our his- II. 10. 
torian proceeds to give a sketch of the empress 
Sophia, who, he says, during the lifetime of her 
aunt, the late queen Theodora, from her youth 
up to within three years before she ascended the 
throne, used to take the communion w r ith the 
orthodox, and entirely rejected the communion 
of the synodites, that is, of those who held that 
there were two natures in our Lord. And this 
was a thing known publicly to everybody, and 
that also a presbyter named Andrew regularly 
went, and consecrated the communion in her 
house, and administered it to her, and to all the 
members of her household : and when he was 
reserving the consecrated elements, she used to 
tell him to put by one pearl, for so they called 
the pieces of bread, and place it upon the pat 
ten under the cloth ; and no one knew who 
received the pearl so put by except the patri 
cian Sophia, though it was supposed by every 
one that it was the merciful Justin himse]f who 
took it in secret, as he also had an aversion to 
the communion of those who held the two na- 


tures. Whether or not this was true, we cannot 
vouch, but have recorded it on hearsay, as being 
the opinion generally entertained by every body. 
The conversion of Sophia to the communion of 
the two natures was brought about in the follow 
ing way: His late majesty Justinian had long 
been solicited by many influential members of 
his court to appoint Justin, his sister s son, to 
the office of Cesar; but he kept putting it off, 
and refusing them. At length a certain Theo 
dore, upon his consecration to the bishopric of 
Csesarea, and whose doom God alone knows for 
his many evil deeds, had an interview with 
Sophia, and said to her, Be well assured, both 
of you, that the reason why your uncle has 
listened to no one, nor consented to appoint his 
sister s son as Cesar, is his indignation at you 
for opposing him in communicating with those 
of whom he disapproves, and not communicating 
with him. For how can he appoint you to share 
the royal rank with him, if you are manifestly 
opposed to him ? Listen therefore to me, and go 
and communicate at Church, and content the 
king, and then he will content you. And Sophia 
being persuaded by his representations gave way, 
but her union with the synod took place only 
three years before she became queen. 

II. ii. From this account of the empress Sophia, 
which naturally followed the mention of An 
drew, her pursebearer, our historian returns to 
the fortunes of the other chief members of the 


orthodox party at Constantinople. Among these 
were three men of consular rank, named John, 
Peter, and Eudaemon, who counted their lives in 
the body as nothing compared with the spiritual 
life by a true faith in Christ ; and firmly refused 
therefore to hold communion with those who 
divided Him. On this account there was anger 
against them even unto death, and the turning 
away of faces; but when every moment they 
were expecting trial, and the ruin of their estates 
and families, and of all that they possessed, and 
everybody felt certain of their utter destruction, 
God, who saw that they were contending unto 
death for His name s sake, and for a true faith 
in Him, saved them. For inasmuch as many 
members of the senate, and chamberlains, and 
other nobles, had been prevailed upon by terror 
to enter into communion with the Chalcedonians, 
the murmuring occasioned by the violence and 
compulsion generally used, at length reached the 
king s ears, and led him to say in the presence 
of many senators, with the view of making it 
appear that he prevailed upon no one by vio 
lence, as though any one was prevailed upon 
except by a violence too strong for him to bear : 
however, be this as it may, God put it into his 
mind to say words such as these, * We neither 
have, nor will we force any one of those who 
have not submitted to us to communicate with 
us : we leave them to their own will. And this 
declaration of the king s determination rescued 
them, and they were no longer exposed to trials 


on account of their faith : but, on the contrary, 
they finally reached the highest dignities, and 
enjoyed the fullest freedom ; so that the illus 
trious Eudsemon, who became Comes Privati h , an 
office which gave him the charge of the king s 
privy purse ; and the illustrious John, who was 
descended from king Anastasius, and the son 
moreover of queen Theodora s daughter 1 ; and, 
lastly, Peter, who was of the family of Peter the 
Patrician, the queen s curator, were sent to make 
a treaty of peace with the Persians, in behalf of 
the whole Roman state. And this great em 
bassy w r as entrusted to them in spite of their 
continuing to hold the truth, as they had ever 
done, in full assurance. The patriarch John, 
however, erased their names from the diptych k 
an act which caused them great joy: for they 
said, Now w r e know that God hath pleasure in 
us, and hath looked upon us, seeing that we are 
no longer mentioned at the communion of those 

h Comes Privati, KG/UT/? T&V npiparuv, is defined by Philostor- 

glUS as, 6 Trjs (SaffiXiKris olxias 7TpOf(TTQ)S. 

5 Theodora bore Justinian an only daughter, of whose son, 
Anastasius, Procopius gives an account in his Hist. Arc. c. iv. 
calling him Az/aaraa-t o) T<U rrjs ftaviXiSos $i>yaTpt6o>, and detailing 
the particulars of the scheme for marrying him to Belisarius 
daughter Joannina ; but of another son, John, he knows nothing. 

k The diptychs here spoken of were of two kinds one for the 
dead, and one for the living ; and on them were inscribed the 
names of those who were to be mentioned at the eucharist. The 
omission therefore of their names was equivalent to condemning 
them as heretics ; and Evagrius mentions that Anastasius own 
name was similarly removed because of heresy. 


who divide Christ into two, after the true indivi 
sible union. 

Less fortunate were two ladies of equally high II. 
birth, who with others of patrician rank were 
fiercely attacked on all sides, breathing out ter 
rible threats of fire, and menaces of death. And 
the rest, from the overwhelming misery of the 
persecution, fainted in the conflict, and for their 
wealth s sake, and houses and children and sub 
stance, submitted to communion, as far as form 
alone went. But these two boldly resisted unto 
death, and counted as nothing their possessions, 
and children and households. Of these the elder, 
whose name w r as Antipatra, was the mother-in- 
law of the consul John mentioned in the pre 
ceding narrative, and her daughter Georgia, who 
was also of consular rank, and a zealous believer, 
was John s wife. The other lady, whose name 
was Juliana, \vas the daughter of the consul 
Magnes, who himself was on one occasion ban 
ished with all his family, and Juliana among 
them, though he also was descended from 
king Anastasius : and subsequently Juliana her 
self became sister-in-law of king Justin, having 
married his brother. After much contention, 
therefore, and a manly contest, they placed both 
these ladies in nunneries, upon the straits of 
Chalcedon, and strict injunctions were given, 
and orders sent to the convents, in which they 
were severally confined, that unless they would 
consent to communion, their hair was to be 
shorn in monastic fashion, and they were to 


wear the black dress used by the nuns, and be 
further compelled to perform the most menial 
labours. And these orders were strictly carried 
out, and they were made to sweep the convent, 
and carry away the dirt, and scrub and wash 
out the latrinse, and serve in the kitchen, and 
wash the candlesticks and dishes, and perform 
other similar duties. And as they could not 
endure and bear with patience such annoyances 
as these, they also, as far as appearance went, 
submitted to the Chalcedonian communion, to be 
set free, and escape from their miserable im 
prisonment in these convents, if convents they 
may be called. Upon their submission, they 
were allowed to return home, and restored to 
their former rank : but soon the time of chas 
tisement from God came upon both king and 
patriarch, and they and all men breathed freely 
once again after their troubles. 

II. 13. There were also two presbyters who under 
went a great conflict for the faith s sake, and 
who both bore the same name of Sergius; of 
whom one had been the writer s own syncellus 1 , 
and the other his disciple. While then John 
was imprisoned in the penitentiary of the hos 
pital of Eubulus, the two Sergiuses were seized, 

1 Syncellus signifies literally, one who shares the same cell/ 
whence it became the title of a high ecclesiastical dignity, the 
person invested with it being at once the prime minister and 
privy councillor of the bishop. Occasionally the syncellus was 
nominated by the emperor, to watch and control the actions of a 
dangerous prelate. 


after having long refused to conform, and thrown 
into prison. Their arrest was effected through 
the treachery of a relative, who professed to be 
of their party, hut who, after thus playing the 
part of another Judas, was himself apprehended, 
and hurried off to the bishop s palace, and im 
prisoned there. Upon their arrest the two priests 
resisted those sent to seize them, and argued 
and disputed sharply with them, until they grew 
angry, and before a vast crowd they stripped 
them of their clothing, and tying them up 
scourged them publicly with the utmost severity, 
but were not able to break their constancy. 
And so manfully and with such spirit did they 
endure and persist in their resistance, that their 
persecutors wondered at them, and finally im 
prisoned them in a diaconate m . Already they 
had repeatedly endured the horrors of imprison 
ment twice both together in the patriarch s pa 
lace, and Sergius, the syncellus, once by himself 
in a monastery called Beth-Rabula n ; and their 
present confinement, which began in February, 
and lasted forty days, was aggravated by a se 
vere frost. For Sergius the syncellus, the pa 
triarch had a great regard, and sent for him, and 
advised and coaxed and persuaded him to dwell 

m These diaconates were also hospitals ; but the sick in them 
were tended by deacons and laymen. 

n Beth-Rabula was built at Constantinople by S. Rabula, bi 
shop of Emesa, in the reign of Anastasius, who provided him with 
the funds. An account of its erection will be found in the Me- 
nologies, under Feb. 19. 


with him in his palace, and be his cellarius ; 
even offering him his solemn promise, that if he 
would consent, he should not he compelled to 
take the communion with him: he also added, 
that * as I hear of you, that you are a pious man 
and a monk, abide with us, and be whatever you 
wish : but if you will consent to take the com 
munion with us, I will immediately make you 
bishop of whatever city you please/ But Sergius 
manfully refused, and as he could bow his convic 
tion of the truth neither by promises nor flatter 
ing w r ords, and saw his firmness and immoveable 
constancy, he sent him to the monastery of 
Beth-Rabula, where however he was treated 
with considerable kindness, the monks not being 
ill-inclined to the faith as the rest were, and 
having no love for the council of Chalcedon, nor 
even proclaiming it in their worship. 
II. M- There was also a presbyter named Andrew, 
who had shut himself up in one of the towers of 
the city wall ; whence he was torn at the patri 
arch s orders by a band of clergy and Romans, 
who broke open his place of concealment, and 
pulled him out. But as they dragged and tore 
him along, they arrived at length in the middle 

The cellarius was the house-steward of a bishop, or monas 
tery, and the immense revenues of the patriarchates rendered the 
office one of great responsibility. Lanfranc, in the 8th chapter 
of his Decrees to regulate the monks of the order of S. Benedict, 
thus describes his duties : Ad cellarii ministerium pertinet omnia 
quae in pane et potu et diversis ciborum generibus patribus sunt 
necessaria procurare, etc. 


of the city ; and on seeing a large crowd assem 
bled there, he began to cry out, Help ! help ! men : 
I am a Christian, and an orthodox : and if these 
who drag me along are not heathens, but Christ 
ians, as they say, why do they persecute and 
murder Christians ? And why do they drag me 
through the midst of you, and ye rest quiet, and 
shew no zeal for Christ s sake ? As he repeated 
these and similar cries, a large crowd rapidly ran 
together, and their eyes flashed with wrath against 
those who had him in charge, as if they would 
slay them. And when they saw the anger and 
zeal of all the multitude against them, they ran 
away, and hid themselves ; and so the people 
delivered the blessed Andrew from their violence. 
Subsequently, however, he was again arrested, 
and imprisoned in the monastery of " the sleep 
less;" whence also, after a protracted imprison 
ment, and much suffering, he escaped : but hav 
ing set people to watch for him, they again 
seized and imprisoned him in the patriarch s 
palace ; but even from thence, after taking part 
in several disputations, he again managed to 
make his escape. 

Among the various charitable institutions at 
Constantinople which had sprung from Christian 
ity, no mean place was held by the diaconatesP, 
which were institutions for the care of the sick 
and persons in distress. The utility of them was 

I> For these cliaconates, conf. Du Cange, Glos. sub Diaconia. 



the greater, because, while the hospitals were 
attended only by clergy, monks and nuns, the 
diaconates gave an opportunity to pious laymen 
also to devote themselves to works of active be 
nevolence : while in those specially set apart for 
women, numerous ladies, who might otherwise 
have found no fitting field for their energies, 
piously tended the suffering members of Christ s 
II. 15. flock. Among those at the capital, two especially 
were famous for their size and reputation, and 
both belonged to the orthodox communion. Of 
these, the first and largest was founded by the 
divine Paul of Antioch, who, filled with zeal, vi 
sited the chief and most famous cities of both 
East and West, and founded in them diaconates, 
in which the word of our Lord was visibly ful 
filled, that this is my rest : for their object was 
to give rest to those whom trouble had distressed. 
On no account, however, would he accept the ser 
vices of any in the diaconates which he founded 
who agreed with the synod of Chalcedon. 

At the period when the persecution broke 
out, the head of this diaconate was a great and 
famous and notable man named Thallus, who 
had largely increased and multiplied its minis 
trations by his many spiritual and divine quali 
ties, upon which alone much might be written ; 
and the diaconate continued to flourish under his 
care, until, by the envy of the devil, an inform 
ation was laid before the king and bishop, that 
all the members were opposed to the council of 
Chalcedon, and had admitted into their fraternity 


many monks and clergymen, and that meetings 
for worship, and communions and love-feasts 
were held there. Upon this the blessed Thallns 
was compelled to send away the clergy and 
monks, that he might give no occasion to those 
who were ready to find fanlt, hut he resolutely con 
tinued his care of the sick with the aid of laymen 
only. And when this reached the ears of those in 
power, because they honoured and admired the 
man and his ways, they let him alone, and inter 
fered no more all the days of his life. His death 
took place in the year eight hundred and eighty- 
eight, (A. D. 577,) and a silversmith named Roma- 
nus was appointed principal in his stead. 

At the head of the other diaconate at this time II. 16. 
was a clergyman named Cometes, who also was 
an active and virtuous man. Originally he had 
been one of the clergy of the house of my lady 
Mary of Blachernse c i, but was expelled for the 

*i There was a very famous temple of the Virgin at Blachernse, 
but she is so universally styled Deipara, both by our author and 
by all who have described this church, that I feel far from certain 
of the correctness of the translation. 

So beautiful was this edifice, that Nicephorus Callistus describes 
it as the great house of the Mother of God, which vies in beauty 
with the very heavens : and its foundation is so illustrative of the 
times, that I cannot forbear giving it from the Greek Liturgies, 
where it will be found in the Menologies, or Services for the 
Saints days, under July 2. Two Patrician youths, we are there 
told, named Galbius and Candidus, went on a pilgrimage to Je 
rusalem ; and passing through Galilee, they lodged for the night 
with a pious woman, who had in her possession a robe which had 
once belonged to the holy Virgin. This treasure she shewed to 

I 2 


faith sake with many others, whom, however, he 
prevailed upon to keep together, and live with 
all the strictness of the monastic rule, while he 
took charge of them in every thing. Soon after 
wards some one who admired his virtues be 
queathed him a large hall, capable of being 
turned into a diaconate, to which use he put it, 
and actively employed himself in ministering in 
it to all the wants of the poor. At the time, 
however, of the persecution, an accusation was 
brought against him of holding assemblies for 
the administration of the holy communion, and 
the hall was confiscated, and formally closed by 
an imperial brief suspended on the door. Co- 
metes was himself banished to an island, and all 

the devout travellers, who, eager to gain so precious a relic, of 
fered her large sums of money : but being unable to induce her 
to part with it, they finally proceeded on their way to Jerusalem. 
There, while visiting the holy places, the. pious thought sug 
gested itself of engaging the services of a carpenter to make a 
chest exactly similar to that in which the robe was deposited in 
the widow s house : and so exact was the counterfeit, that the 
brothers returned full of holy joly to Galilee ; and being again 
hospitably entertained, they succeeded easily in effecting the sub 
stitution, as the true chest miraculously aided in the exchange. 
On returning to Constantinople, the youths endeavoured to con 
ceal their pious theft, but the miraculous virtues of the robe 
quickly manifested themselves, and being noised abroad, they 
were constrained to acknowledge their possession of it to the 
Emperor, who hastened with all humility to kiss and do homage 
to the saintly relic, and built a splendid church for its reception, 
wherein the blessed chest remains even to this day, the palladium 
of the city against danger, and its best protection against pesti 
lence and war. 


his fraternity, except a few, dispersed : but his 
fate did not deter these few from continuing 
their labours; for retiring to another place, they 
still devoted themselves, according- to their rule, 
to ministering and tending the poor. 

Nor was it merely at the capital that the II. 17- 
orthodox communities thus suffered, but the per 
secution carried on there so determinately and 
despotically, and unremittingly, was the cause 
of the same violent measures being stirred up 
against them in every province of the Roman 
empire, wherever any orthodox communities 
were to be found. And this persecution was 
excited by the letters written by John the patri 
arch, and others : for he was swollen with rage 
like the waves of the sea, and, like some blazing 
Babylonian furnace, inflamed not with twigs and 
brushwood, and other such materials, but with 
wrath and heat of temper, and eagerness for ruin 
and slaughter, he burnt and blazed fearfully and 
terribly, adding to his violence to men s persons 
those evil deeds which generally go therewith, 
such as the plundering of their goods and spoil 
ing of their property, on the pretext of their 
faith; as also painful imprisonments, and heavy 
chains, and tortures, and the scourge and exile, 
and the like, in every land and city and village 
of the realm. 

Thus far then we profess that we have written ri. 18. 
that only of which we were eyewitnesses, and 


near .sju ctators of the chief trials recorded, or 
actual sufferers ourselves during the whole pe 
riod to which our narrative extends : but we 
have thought it right now to chronicle events, 
which we neither saw, nor learnt of our own 
knowledge, nor can testify to their truth ourselves, 
inasmuch as we were far away from the countries 
in which they occurred ; but which nevertheless 
we had, not from private individuals, or men of 
inferior rank, but from the chief Catholicus of 
Dovin, the capital of Persarmenia, and the bishops 
who accompanied him, and who narrated these 
events in the presence of multitudes in this the 
royal city of us Romans ; for having escaped 
from the dominions of the Persians, they came 
for refuge to a Christian realm, and were received 
with great honour by their victorious majesties: 
and their narrative scrupulously given as upon 
oath, and in the presence of a numerous auditory, 
was as follows : 

Revolt of Armenia from the Persians. 

When the Magians and princes of the Persians 
learnt that by the commandment and will of the 
king of the Romans, all persons, in every land 
and city of his dominions, were required to con 
form themselves and come over to his faith ; and 
that such as refused and were disobedient to his 
will and commandment, were by his orders per 
secuted and imprisoned, and their goods spoiled, 
and finally delivered up even to death ; lo ! said 
they, in all the dominions of the Romans these 


things are now being done, and it is but just for 
us also to do the same in all our dominions, and 
convert to our own religion all other religions 
within our realm. 

They therefore assembled together, and begged n. 19. 
an audience with Khosrun 1 their king, and said, 
4 king, live for ever ! Behold we have learnt 
that the Roman Caesar requireth, and forceth, 
and compelleth all persons within his realm to 
conform themselves to his faith, and obligeth 
many throughout all his dominions to worship 
according to his religion. And all those who will 
not submit, he driveth away, and persecuteth 
from all his realm. Let thy godship therefore in 
like manner command, that so it shall also be 
throughout thy realm : that all religions shall 
conform to thy religion, and all persons in thy 
dominions worship according to thy worship ; 
and that such as insolently dare to resist thy 
commandment shall no longer live. And when 
Khosrun the king heard these words of the Ma- 
gians, he consented thereto, and accepted their 
counsel: and immediately he began with the 
Christians first, and sent and seized three bishops 
and many of the clergy, and commanded them to 
deny their faith, and worship with him fire and 
the sun and the other objects of his reverence. 

r This Khosrim is the famous Nushirwan,, whose eulogy has 
been written by Gibbon, and to whose many excellent qualities 
our historian himself bears witness in the sixth book of his 


l)ii t they argued with him, and manfully re 
sisted, and confessed, saying; We are of Christ 
ian sentiments, and worship and honour the God 
Who made the heavens and the earth and the 
seas, and all that therein is: and we cannot leave 
Him Who is the Creator of all to worship His 
creatures. Let not the king mistake : for over cm- 
bodies thou hast power to do with them whatso 
ever thou wilt : but our souls are His, and in His 
hands, and over them thou hast absolutely no 
power at all. And when the king heard the 
bishops testify these things, and much besides of 
a similar nature, he commanded that they should 
be that instant flayed, and die. And many evils 
besides he inflicted upon the Christians, and their 
monasteries and churches were everywhere le 
velled to the ground, and multitudes bound and 
thrown into prison : and the heart of the king 
was lifted up, and he blasphemed Christ, and 
said, Let us see what Christ the God of the 
Christians will do unto me: for I do not know 
who or what He is. And this then, and much 
more, was related by these bishops as having 
been said and done at this time by the king of 
the Persians previously to the revolt of Armenia 
to the Romans, and which was occasioned by his 
command that fire-temples should be erected 
throughout all that part of Armenia which was 
subject to his rule. 

II. 20. His next measure, as the Catholicus and his 
companions proceeded to relate, was to MMK! a 


Marzban* to our territories, attended by an 
armed force of two thousand cavalry, who came 
first of all to our city, and commanded us to 
erect a fire-temple, for the celebration of the 
rites of the king s religion. But when, said he, 
he showed it to me and the people of the city, 
I burnt with zeal, and stood up against him, I 
and all the people of the city, and we said, We 
are indeed servants of the king of kings, and to 
him we pay tribute ; but we are Christians, and 
in matters of faith we can yield him no obedience, 
even though we have to die for our faith s sake. 
For this same thing was attempted in the days 
of Sapor, king of kings, who also wanted to build 
here a temple for his worship, but the people of 
the land gathered themselves together, and a war 
ensued, which lasted seven years, and at the end 
he made terms, and published an edict, com 
manding that no one should meddle or interfere 
with us as regards our being Christians for ever. 

s The title of Marzban is exactly equivalent to the German 
Markgraf, and English Marquis, and signifies Lord or Warden of 
the Marches, or border lands. Adelung, in his Krit. Worterbuch, 
enumerates an endless number of dialects in which Marz or Mark 
has this meaning, and we retain it exactly in landmark, which 
signifies the edge, border, limit of the land, not a sign to mark 
the boundary. Ban the Germans retain as the title of the War 
den of Croatia ; and Adelung says, Ban, Pen, in Goth. Fan, sig 
nifies hifjh, the summit, the chief lord. As regards the title 
King of kings, which occurs a few lines below, it is perhaps 
hardly necessary to say that Khosrun is meant by it, as it \v;is 
the regular title of the Persian monarchs. 


And we further shewed him the original copy of 
king Sapor s edict: but he refused to obey it, and in 
obedience to Khosrtm s commands, began by main 
force to mark out a site, and to dig and lay tbe 
foundations, and to build the walls ; while at the 
same time he made determined preparations for 
battle. And I besought him again and again, but 
availed nothing, nor would he attend to me, or 
even deign me a single look ; and finally I sent 
everywhere to all the people of the land, and 
when they heard the news, they burnt with 
zeal for the faith s sake in Christ, and assem 
bled all as one man, to the number of ten 
thousand, armed for battle either to live or die 
for Christ, and firmly determined not to per 
mit a Magian and heathen temple to be built in 
their land. And when there were assembled all 
the princes and chieftains of the land, we went 
to the Marzban, to the place where he was build 
ing the fire-temple, and had a long conference 
with him, and boldly resisted him, saying, We 
are Christians, and subjects of the king of kings : 
but in matters of faith we neither can nor will 
yield submission to any one, and even though the 
king come in person, yet as long as any one of us 
lives to resist it, there shall no heathen temple 
be built to all eternity in our land. Depart there 
fore without war or devastation from our country, 
and tell the king of the firm determination of our 
minds to defend our faith ; and let him take such 
steps as lie thinks right ; for though it cost us all 
our lives, we will never permit a temple for the 


Magian worship to be erected in our land ? A 
long conference followed, in which the Marzban 
protested to the people assembled that he must 
build the temple according to his orders, and ar 
gued with them, and testified against them, say 
ing, You are resisting the commandment of the 
king of kings, and setting him at nought, though 
it is in his power to command you to be put to 
an evil death : beware therefore what you do. 

But when he saw their readiness and their pre 
parations to resist him, and perceived moreover 
that they were stronger than himself, he retired, 
with threats nevertheless and protests against 
their conduct: and returning in great anger to 
the king, informed him of all that had taken 
place. And he, on learning it, was roused to 
anger, and burnt with indignation ; and vowing 
death against all the people of the land, he sent 
against them the Marzban with a body of fifteen 
thousand men ready for war, with instructions to 
exterminate any who ventured to resist his com 
mandment, and erect there a shrine for a temple 
of fire. But the people of the land, when they 
heard thereof, assembled together to the number 
of twenty thousand men, and made ready for 
battle, prepared to struggle even unto death in 
defence of their Christianity. And on the arrival 
of the Persians, they drew themselves up in order 
of battle against them ; and shouting, In the 
name of the Lord Jesus Christ, they moved on 
ward to the attack. And Christ broke the foe 
before the children of the land, and they utterly 


destroyed them as one man, and slew the Marz- 
bnn, and took off his head, and sent it to the pa 
trician Justinian, who was encamped at that time 
at Theodosiopolis 1 in the marches. Such then 
were these events, and they were followed by 
others, the full recital of which would occupy 
greater space than we can spare. 

II. 21. And when these things had taken place, and 
the whole people of the Greater Armenia saw that 
a fierce war was stirred up against them from 
the wicked kingdom of the Persians, they all 
gathered themselves together from one end of it 
to the other, and ran for refuge to the kingdom 
of the Christians, saying, Henceforward we are 
the servants of the kingdom of the Christians, 
and have run to take refuge in the Roman 
realm, that it may deliver us from the savage 
violence of the Magians. And all this, and much 
more, the Catholicus of Dovin, and the other 
bishops who were with him, related in the pre 
sence of our merciful king and queen, and of 
the whole senate : but we have admitted only a 
small portion of it into our history; for they 
recounted also the details of the repeated con- 

* Theodosiopolis is better known by its other name of Resaina, 
by which it is frequently spoken of afterwards, and was situated 
in Mesopotamia. The patrician Justinian was the grand nephew 
of the Emperor of that name, and in the latter part of Justin s 
reign conducted the war aga : nsr Khosrun with considerable abi 
lity. Kvagrius (Eeeles. Hist. V. 7-15.) gives a brief account of 
these transactions confirmatory of the more stirring narrative 

of .lull 1 1. 


fiicts and devastations which followed, and in 
which the Persian hosts had more than once 
been vanquished, and their elephants captured ; 
hut which we at present must omit for want of 

Such then is a short abstract of the account II. 22. 
of the Catholicus of Dovin, the capital of Persar- 
menia, related in the royal city of us Romans, 
by him, and the other bishops and the numerous 
noblemen who accompanied him, in the presence 
of many witnesses : and all on their arrival were 
received with distinguished respect, and large 
presents and regal honours paid them, and high 
dignities granted them, and some of the royal 
residences and chief monasteries were set apart 
for their abode, and an income assigned sufficient 
for their proper maintenance ; and titles of high 
rank were also sent to the leading men in the 
land, as also a large subsidy of gold, and orders 
that no tax should be levied for three years for 
the king of the Romans, but that they should do 
their best to assist those who, having accepted 
the sovereignty of the land, were warring in 
their defence, and that of the whole of Armenia 
against the Persians. And this they did for a 
long time, and the Magian people fell before the 
Christians on numerous occasions in the first six 
years of the time during which the war lasted. 
Of these events we will subsequently give some 
brief particulars in their proper place. As for 
the Catholicus, at the end of two years he died 


at Constantinople, and never returned to his own 

ii. 23. Upon the first arrival at the capital of the 
Catholicus of Armenia, and the bishops and 
nobles in his suite, as men who had fled from 
the wicked and heathenish kingdom of the Ma- 
gians, and had come for refuge to the kingdom 
of the Christians, meeting immediately upon their 
arrival with so honourable a reception, they 
went, without making inquiries, and through in 
attention communicated in full confidence with 
the patriarch of the city, as not being aware of 
the schism and quarrel which had arisen in all 
the churches of the Roman dominions, from the 
corruption of the faith by the council of Chal- 
cedon. But when intelligence of this reached 
the bishops and leading men of Armenia, they 
were angry with them, and wrote sharply to 
them such things as may now be well passed over 
in silence ; and therefore they withdrew, and se 
parated themselves, and having fitted up a large 
hall, in a building granted to one of their nobles 
for a residence, into a church, they there formed 
a distinct congregation, and celebrated the com 
munion after their own manner; and continued 
so to do even after the death of the Catholicus. 

II. 24. We are well aware that the events which hap 
pened in our time are numerous, especially now 
at last, and that they exceed the limits of his 
tory: and more particularly after the defection 
of Armenia to the Romans, which took place in 


the year eight hundred and eighty u , of the era 
of Alexander, (A. D. 569.) For this act was the 
cause of constant and numerous battles on all 
sides, and of dreadful devastations, and the 
shedding of much blood. For the Magi an, after 
his defeats, was again lifted up in his wicked 
ness, and fell upon the Roman armies in Ar 
menia, expecting to route and annihilate them 
utterly. But when he found himself unequal to 
this, he turned aside and entered the Lesser or 
Roman Armenia, in the hope of being able to 
capture and pillage the city of Csesarea, in Cap- 
padocia : but the Roman armies hemmed him in, 
and drove him back from thence, and gave him 
battle, and deprived him utterly of his baggage, 
and made him return ashamed ; and had it not 
been for a disagreement between the Roman 
commanders, he would scarcely have escaped 
with his life. And again the Roman king sent 
presents and subsidies, and despatched fresh 
troops to Armenia to ensure his victories; but 
nevertheless, after it had been completely taken 
possession of and occupied by the Romans, and 
they had gained numerous victories, and had 
reduced several powerful tribes to obedience, 
finally, either by the unskilful measures of their 
generals, or because in many things they had 
brought upon them the anger of God, when they 
were not fewer in number than a hundred thou- 

u The real date was A. D. 571, consequently ,-*;^o has pro 
bably been omitted from the text. 


s;ind men, they were stricken with a panic at the 
presence of a single pal try Marzban, with but thirty 
thousand troops, and all the Roman hosts fled, 
with the loss of their arms and horses, and were 
put to shame. And the Persian was lifted up, 
and increased in strength, and overran and con 
quered the whole of Armenia, and all the land 
asked for terms of peace from him, and he 
granted them ; whereupon it returned to its alle 
giance, excepting those only who had betaken 
themselves to Constantinople, when seven years 
before they rebelled against him, and the struggle 
began x . 

After this, men of high rank in both king 
doms were sent as ambassadors to examine the 
matters in dispute between the two realms, and 
to confer about peace ; and for more than a year 
they were occupied at the borders talking and 
discussing, and disputing with one another, but 
without effecting any thing. And at first the 
Persian required a sum of money, before he 
would make peace ; but at this the king of the 
Romans was stirred up manfully, and said, 
This man demands of us gold, as if we were 
afraid of him, or subject to him ; but let him 
know that as he never yet has received of us a 
single mina, so neither shall he as long as we 
live. And if he treats not with us on equal 
terms, kingdom with kingdom, we will not make 

* A more full, but still piecemeal, account of these events will 
be found in the sixth book. 


peace with him. And so, finally, the Persian 
gave way on this point; but nothing came of it. 
But of all this, it is not possible for us to give 
the particulars : many books would scarce hold 
a full account of it, and of the other contests in 
the church and the world, which happened in our 
days, and which therefore, from their too great 
length, we must omit^. 

y Before completely dismissing the subject, it may lie inter 
esting to add a translation of Saint Martin s account of this seven 
years war, in his Memoires sur 1 Armenie, vol. i. p. 330, and 
which is as follows : In spite of the treaty made between 
Vahan Mamigonean and king Balasch, the Persian sovereigns 
frequently persecuted the Christians in Armenia, in the hope 
of making them abjure their faith. Nevertheless during most 
of the reign of king Khosrou, Armenia was tranquil, and en 
joyed as much prosperity as was possible for a land which was 
necessarily the battle field for the incessant struggle waged be 
tween the Greek and the Persian empires. Towards the end 
however of his reign a war broke out, which for many years 
spread devastation and slaughter through every part of the land. 
For Vartan Mamigonean, irritated by the persecutions which 
his Christian countrymen had to endure, raised in A. D. 571 the 
standard of revolt, marched upon Tovin, the capital, of which 
he made himself master, defeated and slew beneath its walls the 
Marzban Souren Jihrveschnasbean, and with the support of the 
emperor of Constantinople, assumed the reins of government as an 
independent prince. And at first success seemed likely to crown 
his enterprise : for the army which Khosrou sent to suppress the 
rebellion was defeated by Vartan in the plains of Khaghamakha, 
on the shores of the Ourmiah lake. But this reverse served 
only to rouse the aged king to greater efforts, and upon the ap 
proach of his most famous general Bahrain Tchoubin, with a 
numerous army, the insurgents, weakened by intestine discords, 
did not dare to meet him in the field, and some even fled to 


n - 2 5- Contemporaneously with the disgrace which 
befell the Roman arms in Armenia, there was 
seen in very deed the meaning and accomplish- 
Rom. i. ment of the apostolic lesson, that the wrath of 
God is revealed from heaven upon all iniquity 
and wickedness of men, who hold the truth in 
unrighteousness/ For because Christians, on slight 
and insufficient reasons, had risen up as stern 
and violent persecutors of Christians, mercilessly 
and without fear of God, yea, savagely, barbar 
ously, and unchristianly, like unto a lion roar 
ing that he may break in pieces, and as a lion s 
whelp that sitteth in secret/ therefore did the 
Lord arise before their faces, and lay them low, 

Constantinople. The Greek emperors in vain endeavoured to 
prop up Vartan s tottering rule, and after a seven years struggle, 
the Armenians, in A. D. 578, wearied with the ravages of war, 
made voluntary offers of submission, which were accepted by 
the Persian king, and Mihram Jihrvegon appointed to be their 

This summary of the seven years war is gathered by Saint 
Martin from the writings of the Armenians themselves ; and 
should it interest any one in the brave endeavours of this people 
to maintain their faith in spite of the incessant persecutions of 
the Zoroastrian priests, he will find a stirring recital of a more 
successful struggle waged a hundred years before, in the trans 
lation (into French) of the history, which Elisee Vartabed wrote 
at the request of the hero of the war, Vahan Mamigouean, the 
ancestor of the Vartan mentioned above, by the abbe Gregory 
Karabagy Garabed : other available sources of information are, 
the translation of Moses Chorenus, an Armenian bishop of the 
fifth century, by Le Vaillant de Florival ; Avdall s translation of 
Michael Chamich s History of Armenia. Calcutta, 1827 ; and the 
recent translations of Dulaurier. 


so manifestly that it was known and observed 
of all men. For they had intemperaj;ely practised 
every cruelty against the members of their own 
body, even against the whole people of the or 
thodox, in vehement wrath, not treating them in 
that orderly and gentle manner which becomes 
just and Christian men, but stirring themselves 
up to be violent and merciless persecutors. 
For they sentenced the servants of God to cruel 
imprisonments in dark and narrow dungeons, 
though they were aged men, infirm and frail in 
body, and venerable for their years ; yea, they 
condemned them to merciless banishment, with 
out fear of God; ordering them in bonds and 
strict confinement, to be left exposed to hunger 
and thirst, and no friend permitted to visit them : 
and when they banished them, they gave direc 
tions that the exiles should have no mercy shown 
them, but be ill treated in every possible way, in 
the expectation that the greatness of their suf 
ferings and trials would compel them to submit 
themselves to the will of their tormentors. And 
when, by force and compulsion, they had made 
any submit, they then, in violation of all law 
and canonical order, pronounced the ordination 
invalid, which they had received long before at 
the hands of orthodox bishops, and ordained them 
afresh, both priests and bishops. And so many 
were their deeds of this kind, that the time is 
too short to relate them, nor, as the event 
plainly proved, could the justice of God either 
tolerate or endure them. For quick and speedy 

K 2 


was the wrathful sentence sent down from hea 
ven upon this cruelty and savageness, or rather 
upon those who, unrestrained by the fear of 
God, had practised it, even upon John the patri 
arch, and upon the king, who was led by him 
astray, and who did these things under his in 
fluence. For both were scourged by the same 
angry rod, and received the same sentence, that 
they should be given over to evil spirits. And 
they had much meanwhile to suffer, which was 
terrible and alarming, but which shall now be 
veiled by us in silence, because of the honour 
due to the priesthood and the royal dignity ; 
but which being wrought in them during a 
lengthened period of time by the devils, to 
whom they were severally given up, became 
matters of common report and conversation, and 
to the truth of which, and their terrible and fear 
ful reality, we have the testimony of all the peo 
ple of those times. 

II. 26. Upon this alarming chastisement falling upon 
the king and patriarch, the bishop John was at 
first rather stimulated to increased persecution 
of the believers, by the operation and incitement 
of the evil spirit which wrought within him, so 
that every day, without knowing what he was 
doing, or settled purpose, he gave utterance to 
savage and cruel threats, unwarned by the chas 
tisement which, from time to time, he received 
from the evil spirit ; and thus he still more irri 
tated the righteous Judge, Who sent yet again 
upon him a disease of the bowels, and internal 


pains, and the bitter agonies of gout : so that, 
being now tormented beyond hope of cure, and 
pain following upon pain, and blow upon blow 
more intensely every day ; and all the care of his 
many physicians being in vain, and no respite or 
aid appearing, at length, as the magicians confessed 
before Pharaoh, saying, This is the finger of God/ 
so also was he now forced to understand that his 
chastisement came from Heaven; and he began 
with sighs and tears to say to his physicians, 
Why weary ye yourselves, my children, about 
me, a miserable wretch ? for my maladies are 
past the power of healing. For all these tortures 
have been inflicted upon me by the just sentence 
of Heaven because of my cruelty, and men cannot 
heal them. For now I know and understand that 
as I, without mercy, smote many, so am I now 
singly scourged without mercy by the One/ And 
in process of time the physicians ceased to attend 
him, for he himself refused their services ; and he 
became unable to take food, and even when he 
swallowed any thing liquid, he quickly threw it 
off his stomach, and finally his bowels came away 
piecemeal. And his torment was not only thus 
bitter and severe, but also protracted, so that he 
often said with tears before many people, I 
know, Lord, that I have done evil in Thy sight, 
and that the curses of Thy aged and honoured 
servants have overtaken me, and stirred up Thy 
wrath against me, because I treated them with 
out mercy. His punishment began about a year 


after he commenced the persecution, and never 
abated: and as he did not even then desist from 
the cruelty of his measures, there finally fell 
upon him this severe and most painful torment, 
under which he lingered two years, and at length 
departed from this present life in the thirteenth 
year of the reign of king Justin. The latter still 
lingered under his maladies, finding occasional 
relief, but never being entirely delivered from his 
sufferings until the day of his decease. 
II. 27. His death was followed by the immediate recall 
of Eutychius z to the patriarchal throne : and as 
we have mentioned briefly before the purport of 
this chapter, so now we will shew at length the 
just judgment of God, which not only at the day 
of future trial, but also here, visits men with re 
tribution according to their deeds. For John the 
bishop of the capital, of whom we are now speak- 

z The deposition of this prelate had been one of the last acts 
of Justinian s reign, who, in his eagerness to unite all parties 
within the church, had adopted as his standard the tenets of a 
subdivision of the Monophysite party, who held that the body of 
Christ was not subject to corruption. The head of this party was 
Julianus, and a Syriac translation of the great work of Severus 
of Antioch in opposition to his views is extant among the manu 
scripts of the British Museum. Eutychius, to his honour, opposed 
the Emperor s scheme of elevating this doctrine to the rank of 
orthodoxy : and by a stretch of the imperial prerogative, by no 
means uncommon in those days, was at once deposed, and went 
into retirement. It follows therefore that John s elevation was 
entirely uncanonical, and hence the treatment of his pictures, &c. 
regarded by our historian as part of his retribution. 


ing, being urged onwards by savage violence, and 
hurried along by pride and arrogance like a boy, 
and intoxicated and drunken with power, took 
down and erased all the pictures of the orthodox 
fathers, and fixed up his own everywhere in their 
place. And while he thought not that he should 
die, suddenly the time of his departure overtook 
him, and Eutychius his predecessor, who had 
been deposed, was summoned to fill his place. 
And though by the persuasion of their majesties 
he consented upon his return to let all that had 
previously passed between him and John rest in 
silence, yet his pictures he everywhere obliterated, 
and expelled them, not merely from the episcopal 
palace and the churches, but even had a search 
made for them, lest any one should here and 
there escape notice. And the inhabitants of both 
towns and villages, when they learnt his will, 
that they might not be informed against, obli 
terated all John s pictures, whether painted on 
the walls or on tablets, and took them down, and 
fixed up those of Eutychius in their place, so 
that at most only one or two remained here and 
there: and God requited the wickedness ofjud.ix.s6. 
Abimelech, which he had done, in slaying his 
brethren, fifty men, upon one stone. And this 
became a wonder and an astonishment to all 
men, that God so quickly had recompensed John 
even here, and that as he had done, so it was 
done unto him, and the Lord returned the re- i Sam. 
quital of Nabal upon his own head. And thus x 
the pictures of John were obliterated as soon as 


he was dead, just as he had boldly taken down the 
pictures of the saints and set up his own. 

The time during which John" occupied the patri 
archal throne was thirteen years, more or less. 

IE. 28. Among the satellites of the patriarch was a 
certain deacon, named Theodulus, who distin 
guished himself by the activity he displayed in 
the persecution, and who also was overtaken by 
the Divine vengeance. From his youth this man 
had been remarkable for his demureness, and 
humility, and quietness, and had thereby earned 
with many the reputation of extraordinary vir 
tue. These qualities had moreover gained him 
an introduction to the king Justinian, who, on 
seeing his humility and sedateness, employed him 
as his almoner, and intrusted him with large 
sums of money to distribute to the poor, and pri 
soners, and to the monasteries in the suburbs 
and outskirts of the city. The money thus given 
him amounted to many talents ; and his services 
were not confined to the capital, but he was often 
sent on similar errands even to distant countries : 

1 The opinion of Baronius concerning John is by no means a 
favourable one : for speaking of Eutychius s deposition, lie says. 
his successor was John Scholasticus, apocrisiarius of the church 
of Antioch, a man plainly the slave of glory, and a trafficker in 
holy things, and who purchased his high rank by flattery. (Eccles. 
[ist. sub A. I). 564.) Kaderns is even less complimentary : for 
referring to the fact that the Greek church celebrates him as a 
saint, he says, I find no traces of sanctity in him : away with 
him therefore from the -sacred Fasti. (Conf. Morcellus in Kal. 
Et cl. Const, ii. 229 .) 


and finally, by little and little, he amassed for 
himself out of the sums given him to distribute 
great riches. After Justinian s death, he was 
employed by Justin in the same confidential 
post ; and when the persecution broke out, being 
anxious to obtain the favour of men, he was the 
means, as one who held a confidential position, 
of bringing, in company with John and the rest, 
many evils upon the whole body of the believers. 
His business was to go in advance to the monas 
teries, and there, by his false oaths, he deceived 
many : but finally, he was detected in his wick 

His zeal and vehemence in defence of the 
synod, and the whole heresy of the two natures, 
was even greater than that of John himself; and 
as he was perpetually slandering the believers 
both to the king and patriarch, and exciting cruel 
anger against them, he was himself invested 
with power to seize and imprison and torture 
whom he would, besides being often intrusted 
with special commands, in the execution of 
which he treated the believers in the most wilful 
manner. Even the patriarch himself was in no 
little alarm and fright at his rising power, and 
the more so when the Arians everywhere were 
put under his authority. But when he was thus 
lifted up, and still busied with persecution, God 
severely scourged him, so that he could no longer 
Avalk erect. For while he was still in his strength, 
and angrily urging on the persecution, it so hap 
pened that Ins own and his wife s cousins and his 


secretary embarked in a carvin h , or small vessel, 
to cross the sea: but it foundered, and all on 
board, two or three only excepted, were drowned. 
Nor was this the only calamity which befell him : 
for, soon after, his wife died, and a severe illness 
stretched him also upon his bed, where he lay 
in much pain for three years. And now, in the 
misery brought upon him by these severe chas 
tisements, he confessed with bitter tears, saying, 
Woe is me ! for the curses of those whom I per 
secuted have overtaken me, and the cry of those 
whom I oppressed has gone up before God, and 
therefore is this my humiliation sent upon me 
from Heaven. For it had so happened, a little 
time before, that somehow or other he offended 
his vestryman, who had the charge of all which 
he possessed ; and for revenge he went in secret 
and informed the king of the talents which his 
master Theodulus had secreted, and which it is 
said for we have no means of knowing exactly 
were from twenty-four to thirty. These the 
king had secretly removed, and then sending for 
Theodulus, he said ; We are in great need, 
deacon, of money for the wars ; and if thou wilt 
lend us two or three talents, we will requite thee. 
And he replied, Me, my lord, whence could I 
have talents? By my life and my salvation/ ex 
claimed the king, say you that you have none ? 

b The carvin, or Kapdfiiov, is explained by Isidore as a vessel 
made of osiers and hides : its Ar. equivalent ^j^* is the small ves 
sel used in disembarking from a larger one. In modern languages 
it still exists in the Portuguese, Caravela; Italian, Caravella, &c. 


None, certainly/ was the answer ; and he took 
his oath that he was not worth a talent. Upon 
this, the king ordered the talents to be produced, 
and with them the vestryman, and sternly said, 
Knowest thon these ? and how didst thou swear, 
and perjure thyself unto us and unto God ? Thy 
shame suffice thee : depart hence. And so he 
departed, ashamed like the shame of a thief 
when he is caught, and hid himself for shame ; 
and became the scorn and ridicule of all men. 

Thus then disgrace was added to his other 
afflictions, and he was further dismissed from his 
office, and continues so to the present day. 

Another of the chief persecutors was the king s II. 29. 
quaestor, Anastasius, who by birth was a Sama 
ritan ; and when his countrymen in Palestine 
were being brought to judgment by Photius, they 
accused him also of practising their idolatrous 
customs, and an indictment against him was 
drawn up, and laid before the king. And upon 
this the alarm of Anastasius was extreme, and 
he ran hither and thither, and gave bribes on all 
sides, and so the indictment disappeared, and no 
inquiry was made into his conduct. This man 
was the foe and stern enemy of the believers, 
and used to threaten them severely ; and when 
ever in the patriarch s absence he acted as his 
commissary, he used the opportunity for stirring 
up the king against them by his calumnies : 
and on John s return, the two persisted, when 
ever they had an audience, in these representa 
tions, and so abused the king s confidence, that, 


being roused to anger, he published decrees of 
alarming severity against the whole body of the 
believers. And, as was known to every one, 
Anastasius was constantly in the habit of re 
ceiving sums of money from John, and was his 
adviser and inciter to every thing that was abo 
minable, like his accursed teacher ^Etherius , 
who prided himself upon Anastasius having been 
from the first a labourer in the same cause as 
himself, and eager to walk in all his footsteps. 

But justice could no longer endure this man s 
cruelty, who, while professing himself a Christ 
ian, used the opportunity of his office secretly 
in every way, and on every pretext, to smite the 
Christians, as only a heathen and a Samaritan 
would do, and conspired with the other secret 
heathens to prevent the unity of the church. 
But God saw his crafty purposes, and while he 
supposed that he was deceiving both God and 
men, He brought his falsehood to light before 
the whole church, when it was crowded with 
people, on the day of the adoration of the holy 
cross of our Saviour. On this festival the cross 
is brought out, and set up in the great church, 
and the whole senate and all the people of the 
city assemble to adore it: and with the senate 
came also the quaestor, to show forsooth in pre- 

c Evagrms, Eccles. Hist. v. 3, applies the same epithet of exse- 
crable, or accursed (aXm/p^s) to ^Etherius, and describes him as 
a man whose sole delight was in calumniating and bringing evil 
upon others. He was put to death by Justin, on a charge of 
conspiracy against his life. 


tence that he also was an adorer. And as they 
formed themselves in rows, and drew near in 
order, he too approached the holy cross ; but 
before he could adore it, a demon entered into 
him, and lifted him up, and threw him on the 
ground before the holy cross, yes, this man, I 
say, who falsely and deceitfully, in mockery of 
the Christian religion, had drawn near to worship 
and he began to foam, and was torn by the 
devil, and deprived of his senses, and screamed 
so long, that at length the patriarch gave orders 
for them to lift him up, and carry him through 
the throng, and place him in an inner apart 
ment of the church : while the whole multitude 
who filled the church long continued crying Ky- 
rie eleison, being in wonder at the revelation of 
his fraud, and at the chastisement which the 
Lord of the cross had inflicted upon him, before 
the eyes of so many people. And terror fell on 
many deceivers and hypocrites. 

As for Anastasius, he never again raised his 
head, but being thus tormented by the devil, he 
lived about a year and a half, more or less, and 
so departed from this life. 

Nor did vengeance fall only upon individuals, II. 30. 
but as the synodites had rooted up the churches 
of the orthodox during the persecution, so after 
a short time, by a righteous sentence, the al 
tars of their churches throughout Thrace, and 
up to the very walls of the city, were rased to 
the ground by the barbarians. For it seemed 
good to the rulers in church and state, to over- 


throw the meeting-houses of the believers, and 
level their altars with the ground : but when a 
short time only had elapsed, a barbarous people, 
who from their unshorn hair are called Avars, 
invaded the country and marched up to the outer 
walls of Constantinople : and all the churches 
in Thrace were plundered by them and deso 
lated with the whole land, and the altars were 
stripped and overthrown, and the ciboria d destroy 
ed and plucked down, even to the very walls of 
the city. And many of them understood this just 
judgment, and said, Lo, that which was un 
justly done by men of our own party unto those 
who do not agree with us, in uprooting their 
churches, this has God done unto us in anger, 
and our churches also are rooted up and ruined/ 
And all men wondered thereat and praised 
God, Who requiteth every man according to his 

II. 31. Upon the death of the patriarch John, Eu- 
tychius was once again summoned to fill the 
archiepiscopal throne, from a monastery at 
Amasea 6 , in the north. And on his arrival at 

<* The ciborium was properly a covering built over the altar, 
and supported by four pillars at the corners ; and in this sense 
S. Chrysostom uses it to explain the silver shrines of Diana, in 
the Acts. Subsequently the name was also given to the pyx 
erected under it for the reservation of the host. 

e Amasea is in Pontus, and Eutychius had been apocrisiarius 
there before his elevation to the see, and had retired to his old 
monastery upon his deposition. 


the capital, he was received by their majesties 
and the whole city with the utmost pomp: for 
wonderful rumours were spread abroad concern 
ing him, to the effect that he wrought miracles 
and did mighty works. The whole city there 
fore rejoiced at his arrival, and congratulated 
themselves upon their deliverance from the per 
fidy and falseness and usurpation f of John, who 
had been appointed in violation of canonical 
order ; and moreover originally he held a menial 
position, and subsequently was a jurist ; nor was 
it until a very short time before that he received 
the tonsure and became a clergyman, and then 
unexpectedly bishop of the royal city; but this 
in no way broke him of his habits as a layman 
and jurist. Eutychius, on the contrary, was a 
sober monk: and already at his deposition he 
had occupied the throne of the capital for twelve 
years; and on his expulsion John had held the 
episcopate also for twelve years, and just en 
tered upon the thirteenth : and so Eutychius 
returned, feeling as though he could not sit 
upon his throne until he had excommunicated 
John, and cast his memory out of the church 
of God. 

His return brought with it a practical diffi- n. 32 . 
culty as to who had been the real bishop of 
Constantinople during the twelve years of John s 

f |Z.a-A*3| literally means, that John was an impostor, eVitft - 
r7?, his appointment being uncanonical, and therefore invalid. 


occupancy: and therefore the archdeacon of Rome, 
after the death of John of Sirmin and the re 
storation of Eutychius, spake with much freedom 
before the king, as follows : Be it known unto 
your clemency, that according to the canons and 
rules of the church, if John was patriarch, and 
he certainly acted in that capacity all the days 
of his life, then Eutychius was not patriarch, 
and it is utterly impossible for him to be ad 
mitted into the church, and occupy the throne. 
If however Eutychius is received, and admitted 
as patriarch, and occupies the throne, then John 
and all that he did cannot be acknowledged by 
the church, but must be rejected, whether it 
be the consecration of bishops, or ordinations, 
or any baptism which he performed, or the 
consecration of a church, or an altar, it is all 
null and void, and his name must be erased, 
and proclamation made of his expulsion from 
the church of God, and the order of the priest 
hood. And this is the more necessary, because 
the two have mutually deposed and excommuni 
cated each other, and all who severally communi 
cate with them : so that it plainly follows from the 
canons, that one or other is deposed and ejected 
from the church/ And when the archdeacon 
had said these things in the presence of the king, 
and declared that the pope of Rome held the 
same view, he was sharply rebuked, and told to 
hold his peace, and not trouble himself about 
the exact letter of the canons. And so he held 


his peace, and passed the matter by; and the 
rule of the canons was trampled under foot and 

The archdeacon of Rome had however only II. 33. 
expressed the general opinion: for all men had 
expected that Eutychius, upon his recall, would 
refuse to occupy the patriarchal throne, until a 
synod had been assembled, and full enquiry 
made. But on arriving at the city, he mounted 
and sat upon his throne without opposition : and 
both parties drank and swallowed down the 
turbid dregs of the mutual excommunications, 
which John and Eutychius had pronounced 
against each other and their respective adher 
ents ; so that astonishment took possession of 
all men. 

But though Eutychius abstained from a ca- II. 34. 
nonical enquiry into the validity of John s patri 
archate, fearing lest he should stir up some op 
ponent against himself, and lose his manger, he 
showed his hatred and fierceness against him by 
giving orders that all his pictures should imme 
diately be extirpated and removed from the 
palace ; which John had himself rebuilt in a 
magnificent manner, after it had been destroyed 
by fire. His pictures also elsewhere were ob 
literated, and his name no longer heard at the 
recitation from the diptychs of the former pa 
triarchs of Constantinople, until the king ex 
pressed his displeasure at the omission. He 
moreover drove away and deprived all his rela 
tives of their offices, and heaped upon his pre- 



decessor s memory every possible contumely. 
And every one who wished to please him, when 
they saw his infatuation, spoke ill of John, and 
he listened to it with pleasure : and finally, his 
folly reached such a height, that he used openly 
to say, John never was bishop of Constantinople, 
but was simply keeping my place, having him 
self nothing to do with it. But these absurdities 
deceived no one but himself: for all knew that 
he had been deposed, and that John was ap 
pointed in his stead, and had occupied the see, 
and formally pronounced his deprivation. 
II. 35. The restoration of Eutychius did not promise 
much peace to the orthodox party: for in his 
exile he had occupied himself in his monastery 
in tearing up and arranging books of lacerations^, 
as a proof from the fathers of the doctrine of a 
quaternity instead of the Holy Trinity, as it had 
been set forth at the synod of Chalcedon in the 
wicked tome of Leo. For he in like manner taught 
that there are two natures in Christ even after 
the union, and said that all the fathers also 
acknowledged this. Immediately then that he 
had been reinstated in his see, he busied himself 
in eagerly sending copies of these books to the 
leading men, and ladies of note, requesting them 
to read and understand, and so be led them 
selves to acknowledge the two natures : and 
especially he sent them to such persons as were 

K This simply means that he drew up a Catena, or string of 
passages from the fathers in support of his views. 


offended at the doctrine of the two natures, and 
held, in accordance with all the fathers, that 
there was but one nature in Christ as He existed 
corporeally. But the contrary effect to what he 
had expected followed upon the perusal of his 
books: for even his own suffragans and people 
generally ridiculed his absurdity, and the whole 
city began to be excited, and those especially, 
who had not drunk of the turbid dregs of Nes- 
torius gall, expressed freely and in severe terms 
their indignation, including some of his own 
bishops. And at length so much excitement and 
debate was stirred up against him, that they 
assembled at the palace, and frankly said, Know 
that if thou dost not gather in thy books, and 
say nothing more upon this matter, thou wilt 
cause a schism in the church of God, even among 
our own party. And so he gathered in his books, 
upon which the excitement died away, though he 
continued to hold the same views as before. 

After these things, the haughty Eutychius, who II. 36. 
belonged originally in the main to the heresy of 
Paul of Samosate, was not long in precipitating 
himself into a fresh snare, by adopting the views 
of those who denied the resurrection of the body : 
nor did he merely assent to their opinions, but- 
set himself industriously and zealously to con 
fess and publicly teach their doctrine, saying, 
These bodies of men do not attain to the re 
surrection, but others are created anew, which 
arise in their stead. And this view he not merely 
taught by word of mouth, but even drew up 

L 2 


written treatises in its defence, and distributed 
them publicly, and constantly spoke of nothing 
else. And again, on this account the whole city 
was excited against him, and murmurs were 
every where heard, and expressions of scorn and 
ridicule. And those especially were scandalized 
who were of his party, and finally they said to 
him, If thou dost not hold thy tongue about 
this doctrine, we will in a body excommunicate 
thee. And even this threat did not divert him 
from his opinion, but he attempted no longer to 
teach it, especially as all men had come to regard 
him as a heretic and a simpleton. 

A few chapters further on, John repeats this 
narrative as follows : 

II. 42. The vanity of his heart often led the patriarch 
Eutychius astray; and whereas originally he be 
longed to the heresy of the Samosatenians, on 
being made bishop, he sought to conceal this fact; 
and to please those who had appointed him, and 
who held the Chalcedonian tenets, he stood up 
and played the man in the heresy of the two 
natures, and began to persecute severely. And 
when he was driven from his throne into exile, 
he composed a large work of instruction, divided 
into heads, concerning the two natures, which 
upon his restoration after John s death, as we 
have previously narrated, he began to distribute 
among the houses of the leading senators, both 
to men and women, especially to such as held 
back from the confession of the two natures. 
And with his book he sent this message, Read 


and learn that the church confesses two natures 
in Christ after the union/ And laughing at his 
absurdity, they sent him his books back again. 
Next, after a short interval, he heard of the 
heresy of Athanasius, who after having been 
head and founder of the heresy of those who 
number the substances, that is, the essences and 
natures in the Holy Trinity, having been led 
astray by the error of John Grammaticus, of 
Alexandria, he further said that these bodies of 
ours do not rise again at the resurrection of the 
dead, but that others are made h , which come to 
the resurrection in their stead. And from this 
madness, worthy of heathenism or the Manichees, 
there arose a schism among them, and they 
anathematized one another in their writings. 
When then Eutychius heard of these people, he 
immediately joined himself unto them, and was 
imbued with their sentiments, and became one 
of them, and began composing a work in their 
defence, and drew up and published books, until 

h Or, perhaps, but are made into others. Eustathius, in his 
life of Eutychius, gives no explanation of John s assertion, that 
originally he was a follower of Paul of Samosata, if such is the 
meaning of (.i^^^iao : but he refers to this charge of his being 
an Athanasian, and says that he held no more than the fathers 
generally, in whose writings he was deeply versed, and of whom 
Gregory said, Despise the flesh, which passes away; care for the 
soul, which is immortal. And Basil, * Would that I might put 
off this heavy cloak, and receive a lighter one. 

The ill fate of Eutychius books evidently was a favourite 
topic with our author, as he tells the whole story again in lib. iii. 
cc. 17, 1 8. 


his bishops and clergy were alarmed, and re 
sisted him ; and after much discussion, he was 
ashamed, and held his peace, and gathered in his 
writings, though he still continued of the same 

II. 37. Eutychius, however, himself ascribed the ill 
success of his books to the machinations of the 
orthodox: and though the supposition was un 
founded, it led him to entertain an implacable 
animosity against them, and to set his face to 
exterminate and destroy them. He let loose 
therefore upon them, on the occasion of the cele 
bration of their love feasts, the more violent 
members of his party, such as the officials of the 
ecclesiastical courts, and soldiers and civilians 
and clergymen and guardsmen 1 , who attacking 
them, not like Christians, but like murderers and 
barharians, dragged them with open violence to 
prison, overturned their altars, threw down their 
oblations, and poured out the consecrated wine, 
while the sacred vessels, and every thing else of 
any worth, which they could find, with the ser 
vice books, they plundered and stole : they even 
robbed the worshippers of their clothing and 
their shoes, and any thing else they found of 
value they took, without despising even trifles. 
And when they had stolen all they could, they 
dragged them away, and all whom they found 

evidently is for XXaiuSwroi, but who are meant by 
the term is uncertain : as Chlanis, teste Du Cange, is however 
used for Chlamys, I imagine they may possibly be the young 
officers of the royal bodyguard, generally called Chlamydati. 


in their company, to prison, and confined them, 
rich and poor together, and only let them 
out to make room for a fresh crowd, as similar 
scenes were repeated every day. But these pro 
ceedings brought general disgrace upon Euty- 
chius and his party, because, like heathens, they 
had thrown down and trampled under foot the 
bread consecrated on Christian altars, and even 
cast it into the fire and burnt it. And all these 
evils were done without restraint, until no con 
gregation openly ventured to celebrate public 
worship throughout the whole city. 

The cause of all these wrong doings was a cer- II. 38. 
tain Fravian, or Flavian 1 , originally a slave of An 
drew, the queen s pursebearer, who at the com 
mencement of the persecution left the palace and 
his office, and went forth for the truth s sake, 
and was plundered, and imprisoned in the 
monastery of Dalmatus, but retained his con 
stancy unbroken. In his household was a slave 
of barbarian parentage, whom he had carefully 
brought up, and trained to be his scribe ; and he 
was a believer and all his house. In process, 
however, of time he apostatized and conformed 
to the tenets of Eutychius, by whom he was 
employed as an informer, and troubler of the 
believing clergy and their congregations. Tak 
ing therefore with him a troop of officials and 

k The change of Flavianus to Fravianus is not unusual in the 
Grsecising of Koman names. Thus in the lists of the patriarchs 
of Constantinople we find Phravitas, i. e. Flavitas, still better 
known as Flavianus II., patriarch A. I). 488-490. 


guardsmen and civilians and clergy, he went 
about laying hands on every body, and dragging 
them to prison, after plundering them barbar 
ously, and spoiling them and taking from them 
all they had. To escape from him, many gave 
him large bribes ; for though a man crept and 
hid himself in a needle s eye, as the proverb is, 
he was sure to creep in after him by some 
stratagem or other, and seize him, and plunder 
and imprison him. And thus he became the 
tempter and Satan of all the priests and congre 
gations, and of all the believers in the capital, 
and of us too with the rest ; and, in short, it 
would be impossible to enumerate the evils 
wrought by this man against the whole ortho 
dox church. 

39- Among those who endured this persecution 
with exemplary firmness was a young nun. She 
was one of two sisters whose mother died while 
they were infants, and their father placed them 
in a convent ; and dying soon after, he left them, 
that is, their convent, whatever he possessed. 
And in process of time they grew up, and had 
just arrived at womanhood, when John s perse 
cution broke out, and subsequently that of Eu- 
tychius : and as they obliged every religious 
house to receive the sacrament at their hands, 
they took the sisters, upon their refusal, and 
placed them in separate convents : but they 
both stood firm as adamant, and especially the 
elder ; upon which they inflicted upon her every 
kind of torture and pain, and close confinement, 


and hunger and thirst, as being the elder of the 
two, and glorying and fervent in the faith. But 
she rebuked and reproached those in whose con 
vent she was confined, and said, c Ye and your 
priests, and all your party, are aliens to the Holy 
Trinity, and hold instead of it a quaternity of 
persons, like the synod of Chalcedon, which 
makes a pretence of excommunicating Nestorius, 
but really and truly holds his view, and acknow 
ledges two natures, just as he did, and as you 
also do, and all who agree with it/ And as they 
could not refute her arguments, they went and 
accused her to the bishop, and said to him 
plainly, Unless you give orders for the imme 
diate removal of this tempter, know for certain 
that we must all quit our nunnery ; for it is im 
possible to endure her scoffs and contumelies, or 
answer her arguments/ He therefore sent to 
the exarch, or officer who had the general over 
sight of the monastic institutions, commanding 
him to go and examine her, and severely chas 
tise her ; and then eject her, and send her to a 
convent where their discipline was more severe, 
with directions to torture her until they made 
her submit. The exarch accordingly deputed his 
visitor to try the case, and on his arrival they 
began to accuse and threaten her ; but she of 
her own accord laughed at them, openly ex 
pressing her contempt, and saying, Why do ye 
heathens and murderers threaten a poor weak 
girl like me? If ye go no further than threats, 
and do not at once murder me, according to your 


custom and that of him who sent you, I do not 
count you as men, or even as living creatures. 
Upon this, they beat her in anger with a staff 
until they were tired : but she only derided 
them the more, and anathematized them, say 
ing, O you heathen persecutors and murderers 
of Christians! and urging them to kill her, she 
said, You are heathens and not Christians ; for 
Christians do not persecute Christians : but you 
shew yourselves to be heathens, and that you do 
the work of heathens/ And as they could not 
answer her, they dragged her away and impri 
soned her in another nunnery, leaving orders 
that they should torture her severely. But when 
but a few days had passed, they also began to 
cry out, and try to get rid of her. And so she 
was removed to one convent after another; and 
when none could break her spirit, Eutychius 
gave orders that she should be brought to him 
in the church. But when the exarch s people 
heard of the patriarch s intention, they went to 
him, and said, Know, my lord, that if you let 
her enter your presence, and do not first cut out 
her tongue, or strike off her head, there is no 
reproach or ridicule that she will not freely 
utter to your face: for even when flogged and 
scourged, she only grows the more vehement, 
being ready and eager to suffer death. Finally, 
however, she was brought to the church, and 
many attacked her one after another, and mul 
tiplied their threats and denunciations ; but she 
regarded them no more than as if they had been 


so many dead persons, and reproved them at 
great length. And so they were all everywhere 
vanquished by her, and finally let her return to 
her own nunnery. And thus she was the cause 
of the whole convent being unmolested : for they 
never ventured again to attack them, being un 
willing to encounter her, and saying, If this one 
sister of that convent has endured without flinch 
ing all these trials, since they are all alike, who 
will ever be able to overpower them? 

Not satisfied with these attacks upon their per- n. 40. 
sons and their property, Eutychius endeavoured 
also to weaken the argumentative position of the 
orthodox by making a change in those parts of 
the Liturgy which favoured their views. 

Carrying himself then proudly, in this as in 
every thing else, and wishing to prove himself a 
theologian, he formed the purpose of doing away 
with and abolishing the immemorial custom of 
the ministrations in the churches, and establish 
ing a corruption of his own composing : he there 
fore drew up an antiphon for the Thursday in 
Passion week, and had it copied on tablets, and 
sent it to all the churches, with orders that the 
ordinary antiphon should no longer be used, but 
his own substituted in its place, adding threats 
and menaces against such as should still venture 
to use the former one in preference to his own. 

But not only the clergy of all the churches and 
convents and monasteries, and monks and nuns, 
were in alarm and commotion, but also the whole 
city and senate : and a general riot was on the 


point of breaking out, not only on the part of 
the churches and monasteries, but also of the 
people of the city. And at length the matter 
reached the king s ears, to whom it was told by 
one of the senate : and when the bishop came in 
haste and hot anger, to complain to the king of 
these things, he rebuked him very sharply, and 
said, How long will it be before you can mo 
derate yourself, and live in quiet ? For see, you 
have agitated and disturbed the whole city. For 
how could you imagine that you had authority 
to change our ancient customs ? Look to yourself, 
that they do not stone you. To this he replied : 
4 1 assure you, my lord, that what I have com 
posed is far fitter for the occasion than the old 
one. But the king said, * Know that if you had 
brought your antiphon down from heaven, we 
would not admit it. Go, and keep to your 
church : and follow in it what has been esta 
blished by the ancient fathers/ And so his vehe 
mence was checked, and his menaces gave place 
to a discreet silence. 

II. 52. Of a similar change attempted in the Trisha- 
gion 1 our author gives some more particulars in 

1 The Trishagion was a hymn originally taken from Is. vi. 3, 
but subsequently remodelled till its words were, O holy God, 
holy mighty One, holy Immortal, have mercy upon us. Into 
this Peter the fuller, patriarch of Antioch in A. D. 460, intro 
duced the words, that wast crucified for us ; with the express 
purpose of supporting the views of the Monophysites, and suc 
ceeded in the patriarchate of Antioch, when their views were for 
many years in the ascendant. 


the last chapter of this book, wherein he says, 
that as we have mentioned above the excellent 
Eutychius was a very eager opponent of the 
phrase, That wast crucified for us, and wrote 
strict injunctions to the bishops everywhere to 
omit this confession from the churches of the 
cities over which they presided : and at the con 
secration of all new bishops he exacted a promise 
that they would cause its entire suppression in 
their dioceses. But upon their endeavouring to 
obey this command, the people everywhere, both 
in the cities and villages, were offended and scan 
dalized, especially in Syria, Asia, and Cappadocia, 
inasmuch as they had used this phrase from the 
first. And in many places they resisted, and rose 
up, saying, Though we be hacked to pieces, and 
burnt, yet will we not deny the God Who was 
crucified and suffered for us/ And this strife and 
quarrel continued in every province of the empire 
even after the death of Eutychius. 

In this persecution our author suffered chiefly II. 41 
in the unjust legal proceedings taken against him 
respecting some property. For this, John, gene 
rally known as Superintendent of the heathen, 
and who was bishop of Ephesus, after all the 
trials and imprisonments and persecutions and 
banishments which he had endured, was required 
to give up the writings of an endowment which 
had been granted him by Callinicus, chief officer of 
the king s household, and a patrician. But John, 
upon receiving it, had expended upon it consider 
able sums, having both restored the buildings, 


and built a church, and erected tliree cisterns ; 
and finally, had dedicated it as a monastery. 
But when the persecution broke out, in the time 
of John of Sirmin, he took from him the monas 
tery, and put into it monks in communion with 
Chalcedon, and sent its founder into exile to an 
island in the sea. And when upon John s death 
he returned from exile, Eutychius demanded of 
him the deed of gift and all the other writings 
by which he held the property ; and not only so, 
but also the furniture, and service books, and 
every thing else belonging to it. And when John 
resisted, after a lengthened persecution, he finally 
arrested him, and cast him into prison, and took 
from him by force all the papers upon which he 
could lay hands. And while he still lay in prison, 
he assembled a troop of officials and laymen to 
try him for refusing to deliver up the furniture. 
But John was strengthened by the grace of God, 
and said to them, What furniture and what 
things demand ye ? Is it aught that ye gave, or 
that some one else gave ? He who gave me the 
furniture would be the fitting person to demand 
it back. For lo ! all the deeds of the endowment 
that were in my possession ye have already taken 
away by fraud and violence, without fear of God. 
Read then, and see for yourselves : is there so 
much as the name of monastery there, or any 
mention of furniture as received by me ? If there 
be, then let it be required of me. For I it was 
who, to my misfortune, made it a monastery. 
But if the name do not occur, then was it no mo- 


nastery when first it came into my hands/ And 
so, hy the grace of God, he made them ashamed 
of themselves, and they said nothing more to him 
upon this point ; but they took away from him 
the right of having five loaves at each public dis 
tribution of corn m , which had cost him three 
hundred darics, saying, These at all events you 
bought in the name of the monastery. And even 
then they did not restore him to liberty, but kept 
him in prison, until he formally resigned the en 
dowment, and so he was set free. 

The two succeeding chapters contain the infor 
mation respecting Paul, metropolitan of Aphrodi- 
sias, which we have given above in its proper 
place : and then follows an account of Deuterius, 
John s fellow labourer, and subsequently the suc 
cessor of Paul as bishop of the orthodox commu 
nion in Asia. He is spoken of by his former co 
adjutor in terms of sincere affection, as follows : 
6 This Deuterius was a man of industrious and II. 44. 
upright habits, who from his youth to old age un 
interruptedly, through a period of five-and-thirty 
years, was fellow-labourer with John in instruct 
ing the heathen in the provinces of Asia, Caria, 
Phrygia, and Lydia, where together they built 
ninety-nine new churches and twelve monas 
teries: and throughout this time John confided 
in him, and trusted in him more than in all be 
sides. When therefore he grew old, and became 
the victim also of persecution, he appointed Deu- 

m The npTot TToXirtKol are fully explained below in III. 14. 


terius ill his place as bishop of the orthodox in 
Carlo, and intrusted to his charge the churches 
and monasteries there, among which he laboured, 
visiting and strengthening them all, until his 
death, which happened at Constantinople. For 
he was greatly assisted by Divine grace, which 
enabled him to discharge efficiently and zealously 
and manfully the painful duties of his office: and 
when the synodites pursued him in hopes of get 
ting him into their power, that they might treat 
him as they had done Paul of Aphrodisias, and 
substitute him in the place of the other Paul of 
Antioch, the Lord did not deliver him into their 
power : and so he fought unto the end the good 
fight, and arrived at a prosperous old age. 

The next chapter treated of the apostasy of the 
Cappadocian monks, whom Narses had received 
temporarily into his convent in Bithynia (1. i. c. 39), 
and we have therefore arranged it with the rest 
of their history: and possibly the next chapter 
should have accompanied it, as it is a lament over 
the confusion and uncertain creed which was oc 
casioned in the monasteries by the persecution, 
and of which they were an example. As, however, 
it belongs chronologically to the present time, it 
has been allowed to retain its original position ; 
and is as follows : 

II. 47. Upon the visitation of the nunneries, great and 
small, the inmates were compelled to receive the 
communion at the hands of their persecutors, 
and such of them as submitted, continued to re- 


side as inmates ; but some of those who refused, 
subsequently returned, and again commenced re 
sidence. There were therefore now two parties 
in the nunneries; those who had submitted, and 
those who had not ; and both joined in the whole 
service, except the actual partaking of the Eu 
charist. And even when the elements were con 
secrated by the clergy, and during the actual 
participation, all had to stand and join in the 
services, and perform the whole office in com 
mon, without venturing to separate one from the 
other. Such, however, as did not actually par 
take were allowed to have a special service for 
themselves, and receive the Lord s supper at the 
hands of orthodox presbyters. And because of 
the urgency of the times, they were compelled to 
submit to these regulations, or they would have 
been summarily expelled and dispersed ; and the 
chiefs of the orthodox were obliged to keep quiet, 
and overlook these things, or orthodoxy would 
have come to a speedy and utter end. 

There were at that time at Constantinople n. 48. 
some elephants, whose conduct excited wonder 
and astonishment. Now it may easily happen 
that those who are given to ridicule will find 
only an occasion for derision in lighting upon a 
narrative of the acts of irrational animals in our 
histories: but we do not record it without rea 
son, or, so to say, foolishly, but first of all for the 
glory of God, and secondly for the refutation and 
conviction of heathens and Jew r s, and of all other 



mistaken persons, who deny the cross, and reject 
the dispensation of our Saviour, the sign of which 
is the cross upon which it was wrought. 

These elephants then were part of the spoil 
captured after a victory, which God gave the 
Christians over the accursed people of the Ma- 
gians ; and being sent to Constantinople, con 
tinued there a long time ; and whenever they 
passed a church, the foremost elephant, who was 
marching in their front, turned round towards the 
east, and bowed down his head and trunk, and 
made obeisance ; and then, raising up his trunk, 
he waved it round, and made the sign of the 
cross, and signed himself, and so passed on. And 
next, the second would raise his trunk, and act 
in the same manner ; and the rest in order unto 
the last. And this we have often seen with our 
own eyes, while we wondered and praised God, 
Who had given the knowledge of Christianity 
even to dumb animals, for the rebuke of those 
who have the gift of reason, and yet neglect 
Christianity, and despise the grace of Him Who 
has saved our sinful race. 

And there was another similar practice of these 
animals equally wonderful and astonishing, and 
which they never failed to perform whenever the 
customary horseraces were held in the Hippo 
drome. For these elephants were always brought 
in, each with his conductor on his neck ; and 
standing in the Hippodrome opposite the king, 
they bowed down, and made their obeisance to 
him to the best of their ability, and as far as 


their nature would permit. And then each one 
of them made the sign of the cross with his 
trunk, and signed himself before the king : while 
the crowds assembled there were amazed and 
astonished to see them use the sign of the cross 
exactly like men. And finally, the king made 
them presents, and they retired. 

Another extraneous subject is an account of a IT. 49. 
great fire, which, towards the close of Tiberius 
reign, and the commencement of that of Maurice, 
broke out in the very centre of Constantinople, 
and devastated a great portion of it ; so that 
many estates, some large and some moderate and 
some small, were simultaneously destroyed, and 
their owners, even if they escaped with their 
lives, were stripped and beggared of all they pos 
sessed, and with their own eyes saw it fall in 
one day a prey to the flaming fire. 

Now when men of practised learning fall in n. 50. 
with these narratives, they will possibly blame 
the writer, because it may so happen that the 
same fact is recorded in a confused and disor 
derly way in several different chapters; be it 
known, then, in our defence to such as are in 
clined to find fault, that most of these histories 
were written at the very time when the perse 
cution was going on, and under the difficulties 
caused by its pressure : and it was even necessary 
that friends should remove the leaves on which 
these chapters were inscribed, and every other 
particle of writing, and conceal them in various 
places, where they sometimes remained for two 



or three years. When therefore matters occurred 
which the writer wished to record, it was possible 
that he might have partly spoken of them before, 
but he had no papers or notes by which to read 
and know whether they had been described or 
not. If therefore he did not remember that he 
had recorded them, at some subsequent time he 
probably again proceeded to their detail ; and 
therefore occasionally the same subject is re 
corded in more chapters than one: nor after 
wards did he ever find a fitting time for plainly 
and clearly arranging them in an orderly nar 


Of this we have an instance in the two next 
chapters, one giving an account of the lapse of 
Eutychius into the heresy of the Athanasians, 
and the other of his attack upon the Trishagion, 
both of which belong to previous portions of the 

End of the Second Book of the Narratives of the 
Church, in which are contained fifty- 
two chapters. 



INASMUCH then as the events which took place in. 
at the commencement of the reign of the victori 
ous king Justin II. have been sufficiently detailed 
by us in the previous part of our history; and 
that originally he was anxious to make unity, 
and mild and peaceable to the whole body of 
believers for the first six years of his reign, but 
then changed, and took part in a persecution 
carried on in a violent and uncanonical manner, 
of which in the two former books we have given 
a few details out of many ; and inasmuch as we 
then gave a slight account, but covertly, of the 
chastisement which came down upon him from 
Heaven for his soul s benefit, and to abate the 
violence of the evils about to fall upon him, 
desisting from an exact detail, lest we should be 
thought to speak in scorn or derision of the high 
office of royalty, in venturing openly to describe 
and record the pitiable smiting justly inflicted 
upon him by God; but have been rebuked for 
this silence ; we therefore now think it right 
briefly to record what took place, that those may 
fear who in future times shall be girt with high 
and princely power, and that the dread judgment 
of God upon king Justin may be recorded, and 
its remembrance engraven on the heart of all 
men for their admonition. 


III. 2. For the merciful God, Who willeth not the de 
struction of His creatures, and Whose providence 
watcheth over the lives of men, when He saw 
that king Justin was using his royal power for 
things excessive and alien to all piety, visited 
him with chastisement, lest when the measure of 
his sins was full, it should sink him in utter per 
dition. For He beheld him wickedly shedding 
the blood of innocent men, and given up to the 
plundering and reckless spoiling of their goods, 
unrestrained by the thought of the fear of God, 
and gathering and heaping up unrighteous wealth, 
beyond what most of his predecessors had done : 
and finally, not content with stirring up God to 
anger by crimes such as these, he betook himself 
also to the persecution of Christians severely and 
pitilessly, and without natural mercy, levelling 
the altars of the orthodox in bitter wrath by the 
hands of the bishop John, and everywhere break 
ing down their churches, and seizing their priests 
and bishops, and oppressing them, and vexing 
them, and confining them in prisons, and guard 
houses and monasteries, and in various cruel hos 
pices, being men aged and weighed down, and 
infirm with years ; so that many of them even 
fainted, and departed from this present life, being 
exhausted by the miseries and tortures of their 
bonds, and their strict and bitter and severe im 
prisonments. For many of his evil deeds have 
never even been mentioned by us, nor are we 
willing to record or bear witness of much of his 
conduct, so iniquitous was its character: but it 


did not escape the justice of God, Who yet, be 
cause He was gracious unto him, that he might 
not utterly perish, but being rebuked, might be 
stopped in his wicked course, sent upon him, in 
the language of Scripture, indignation and wrath Rom. ii. 
and tribulation. And He sent it by means of an 
evil angel, who suddenly entered into him, and 
took his form, and domineered over him cruelly 
and fearfully, making him an example of the 
terribleness of their malice. For suddenly it 
destroyed his reason, and his mind was agitated 
and darkened, and his body given ove"r both to 
secret and open tortures and cruel agonies, so 
that he even uttered the cries of various animals, 
and barked like a dog, and bleated like a goat ; 
and then he would mew like a cat, and then 
again crow like a cock: and many such things 
were done by him, contrary to human reason, 
being the workings of the prince of darkness, to 
whom he had been given up, and who had dark 
ened his understanding, and taken it captive, and 
who wrought in him every thing that he did, 

At other times the evil spirit filled him with 
agitation and terror, so that he rushed about in 
furious haste from place to place, and crept, if he 
could, under the bed, and hid himself among the 
pillows a ; and then, when the horror came upon 
him, he would rush out with hot and violent 
speed, and run to the windows to throw himself 
down. And his attendants, in spite of their re- 

For SDZ* I read 

K;S i:(ru;siAs r n< AL HISTORY 

spect for him as king, had to run after him, and 
lay hold of him, to prevent him from dashing 
himself down and being killed : and the queen 
was obliged to give orders for carpenters to come, 
and fix bars in the windows, and close them up 
on the whole of that side of the palace on which 
the king lived. Moreover they selected strong 
young men to act as his chamberlains and guard 
him ; for when they were obliged, in the way I 
have described, to run after him and seize him, 
as he was a powerful man, he would turn upon 
them, and seize them with his teeth, and tear 
them : and two of them he bit so severely about 
the head, as seriously to injure them, and they 
were ill, and the report got about the city that 
the king had eaten two of his chamberlains. And 
sometimes, as was said, they had even to tie him 
up, while he screamed and howled, and uttered 
words without meaning : but if they said to him, 
The Bogle 5 is coming for you, he would be still 
in a moment, and run away, and hide himself; 
and any name which they mentioned was enough 
to frighten him, and make him run away, and be 
quiet, and creep under his bed. And there were 
other things more disgraceful than these, and 
more lawless, which were openly spoken of with 
out fear by every one in the city. These few 
which we have here recorded we had upon the 
testimony of many : for they were the constant 

b Literally, Chorth the son of Gal.olo, that is, Harith the- son 
of Jabal, a common name at this time amoni( the princes of the 
Arabian kingdom of Hirah. 


subject of conversation. He continued then, not 
for a few days only, but for five years, thus tried 
and tortured : and our brief account of his state 
we have given upon the authority of others ; for 
we were neither near, nor eyewitnesses of it ; 
but the whole senate and city, natives as well as 
foreigners, bear witness to the truth and exact 
ness of our details : and that much besides hap 
pened, too unseemly to be recorded in writing. 

In this disordered state of the king s intellect, III. 3. 
those about him devised various kinds of amuse 
ments, both to divert his attention, and in the 
hope of restoring him to the use of his reason. 
The most successful of these w r as a little wagon, 
with a throne upon it for him to sit upon, 
and having placed him on it, his chamberlains 
drew him about, and ran with him backwards 
and forwards for a long time, while he, in delight 
and admiration at their speed, desisted from 
many of his absurdities. Another was an organ, 
which they kept almost constantly playing day 
and night near his chamber ; and as long as he 
heard the sound of the tunes which it played he 
remained quiet, but occasionally even then a sud 
den horror would come upon him, and he would 
break out into cries, and be guilty of strange ac 
tions. For once, when the patriarch came to visit 
him, and drew near and made his obeisance, see 
ing that the king was agitated, he signed him 
with the sign of the cross ; upon which he raised 
his hand, and struck him so heavy a blow on the 
head, that the patriarch reeled and fell on his 


back a good distance from him, while the king 
exclaimed, An evil end be thine: go and sign 
thyself, that thy own devils may get out of thee. 
The rest meanwhile took the bishop and raised 
him up ; but it was some time before he returned 
to his senses, being stunned by the severity of 
the blow. At another time, as it was impossible 
for the patriarch not to pay the customary visits 
to the palace, upon his entering cautiously, and 
on his guard, the king, at the sight of him, fell 
into a fit of laughter, and jumping up, laid hands 
upon him, and took from his shoulder his mitre, 
which is the insignia of the episcopal office, and 
spread it out, and put it upon his head, like a 
woman s hood ; and looking at it said, 4 How well 
it becomes you now, my lord patriarch : only you 
should put on some gold lace, like the ribands 
which the ladies wear upon their heads/ At an 
other time, standing at a window overlooking the 
seashore, he began to cry like those who go 
about hawking crockery, Who ll buy my pans? 
And many other such things he did which it is 
impossible to relate, and which were wrought in 
him by the devil, to whom he was given up ; and 
which were the common talk of every city and 
village, and house and street, and tavern, within 
and without Constantinople : and even upon the 
way all men talked of them with much wonder 
and astonishment. 

III. 4. When then the king was chastised by this bitter 
humiliation and trial, many thought and spoke 
of it in different lights : and first of all his wife, 


the queen Sophia, Avas not only not chastened or 
alarmed by the affliction and punishment which 
had overtaken her consort, but was rather elated, 
and said ; The kingdom came through me, and 
it has come back to me : and as for him, he is 
chastised, and has fallen into this trial on my ac 
count, because he did not value me sufficiently, 
and vexed me. Such, however, was not the ge 
neral opinion ; but she was considered as having 
spoken wickedly, as we shall shew in what we 
have afterwards to record. What, however, men 
generally did think, though they did not venture 
to express it, was, that God had inflicted upon 
him this visitation for three chief reasons ; first, 
because of the innocent blood that he had shed ; 
next, because he had persecuted Christians, and 
had inflicted torments and miseries, and bonds 
and close imprisonments, and exile, upon priests 
and bishops, and the believers generally, both 
men and women; and thirdly, because of the 
manner in which he had plundered and spoiled 
men s goods, and not permitted orphans to inherit 
their fathers property, so that the cry of orphans 
and widows rose up before the Lord, together 
with his other evil deeds ; and therefore He was 
angry with him, and delivered up his kingdom to 
others, while he was yet alive, and saw it with 
his own eyes. 

When king Justin had continued in this state III. 5. 
of trial and sickness, and oppressed with other 
evils, for a period of five years, and the sixth had 
begun, being thus chastised by the operation of 


the devil, all business being neglected, and mat 
ters of state in confusion, and wars with the bar 
barians coining in quick succession in every 
quarter 1 , the whole senate took counsel with the 
queen to make the God-loving Tiberius king, and 
appoint him as Caesar to conduct in Justin s stead 
all matters of state. And to this Justin himself 
consented ; for there were intervals, though com 
ing irregularly, when he recovered the use of his 
senses, and could converse upon matters connect 
edly. After a long consultation, therefore, with 
him, they chose and appointed Tiberius as Caesar, 
as for a long time he had been Justin s keeper, 
even before he had come to the crown. Upon 
Justin s summoning him, therefore, and solemnly 
investing him with the dress and insignia of roy 
alty, an angel, as he himself acknowledged, ap 
peared to him, and stood by him, and dictated in 
his ear the words with which he was to address 
Tiberius Caesar : and he began to speak unto him 
words of wonder and astonishment, as though his 
mind had never sustained any injury. For weep 
ing, and with his words broken by tears and sobs, 
he said, son Tiberius, come and take the king 
dom of the wretched Justin, who has made God 

c The final disaster which rendered the appointment of a Ctesar 
indispensable was the capture of Dara by Khosrun, and as a ne 
cessary consequence the devastation of all the provinces of the 
East up to the walls of Antioch : of which an account is subse 
quently given in the sixth book. Khosrun is said to have re 
turned from this expedition with a quarter of a million of Christ 
ian captives. 


angry, so that He has rejected him, and cast him 
out of his royal estate while still living. Come, 
my son, enter upon thy office, and displace him 
who has set his Creator at nought, that Creator 
Who gave him the kingdom, from which his own 
eyes now see him rejected and fallen/ And when 
he thus spake with a loud voice in the presence 
of the many thousands assembled there, all who 
heard his words hroke out into bitter weeping 
and loud sobs ; and especially when he turned 
round, and, waving his hand towards the soldiers 
posted there, said to them with a loud voice, 
Open, my children, your ranks, and let whoever 
will come in, and see the wretched Justin stripped 
and fallen from his kingdom, because he has pro 
voked to anger and wrath that true and eter 
nal King Whose empire passeth not away, 
and Who had bestowed upon him, unworthy as 
he was, the kingdom. And now, Tiberius, let 
my fate be to thee a terror, and alarm, and trem 
bling, before the Lord the eternal King, that thou 
beware of Him, and stir Him not up to anger by 
thy evil deeds, as I have done, by those deeds of 
mine, which have brought down upon me this se 
vere and terrible chastisement. For lo ! while I 
yet live, I am stripped and ejected from my king 
dom, because I have acted iniquitously therein. 
Beware, lest this apparel and royal dress lead 
thee astray, as it has led me, and fill thee with 
pride and error and presumption, and bring upon 
thee the wrath of Heaven, as it has upon me, and 
thou too be stripped, and fall from thy kingdom, 


as 1 this day. Look, my son, at him who stands 
by me, and whispers to me in my ear, and 
teaches me all those things which I speak unto 
thee, and teach thee, and command thee and ad 
monish thee; and be thou sure and convinced, and 
aware within thyself, that what is now spoken 
to thee by me is not of me, but comes from this 
angel of God. And if thou, or any one besides, 
seest him not, behold he stands by me, and 
teaches me those things which I say unto thee, 
that thou mayest fear, and be afraid at the dread 
sentence of justice decreed against and inflicted 
upon me, as, lo ! thou and all men see. For be 
cause I have not kept God s commandments, He 
now strips and ejects me from my kingdom, and 
delivers it unto thee. Look therefore on me, my 
son, and from my case take an example of terror 
and alarm for thy own heart, at the sentence 
which has gone out against me, and let it not be 
lifted up unto evil deeds, such as I have done, 
lest wrath be sent down also upon thee from 
Heaven, as it has now upon me, and thou too be 
cast out of thy kingdom. Beware, therefore, lest 
thou give way to wicked men, who will counsel 
thee unto evil, and lead thee astray as they have 
led me astray, until I have made God angry by 
all my doings. These words, and many more to 
the same effect, but which we have omitted be 
cause of their too great length, were spoken by 
the king, in sorrow and tears, with a loud voice, 
in the presence of all men: while the illustrious 
Tiberius threw off his robe, and fell on his face to 


the ground at the king s feet, and gave unre 
strained way to his lamentation d with tears and 
sobs of bitter sorrow, in which the whole senate, 
and all who stood around joined, when they 
heard these things, and saw both him who was 
giving up the kingdom, and him who was sum 
moned to receive it, the prey of such deep an 
guish. And when they took hold of Tiberius, and 
raised him from the ground, he fell again on his 
face with a loud wail. And at this, all the mul 
titudes at once, with one cry of mighty suffering, 
and from their hearts, lamented with loud voice, 
nor could any one check or restrain his tears on 
hearing the words which the king, weeping at 
his humiliation, spake. And finally, he gave or 
ders, and they raised Tiberius up, and again he 
addressed him in language broken by sobs : and 
then he invested him with the insignia and dress 
and emblems of royalty, and said, Henceforward 
be tlry name called Constantine ; for in thee shall 
the kingdom of the great Constantine be re 
newed. The rest, want of space alone compels us 
to omit. The day of the appointment of Tiberius 
as Csesar was the seventh day of the earlier Co- 
nun, in the year eight hundred and eighty-six, on 
the day of the preparation, in the morning. (Fri 
day, Dec, 7, A. D. 574.) 

So firmly persuaded were all men that these 
words were not spoken by the king himself, but 
by an angel of God, that when at length pictures 

d Literally, bellowed like a bull. 


\vriv set up in honour of Tiberius and Justin, an 
angel was painted standing between them, and 
with his mouth at Justin s ear : and that the fact 
was really so, was firmly received by every one. 
The words themselves were taken down in short 
hand e by many who were present, and at once 
committed to writing ; for there were numerous 
scribes present taking notes : but their full and 
exact recital would exceed our limits. 
III. 6. Justin survived the appointment of Tiberius 
as Caesar for four years, and hopes were long 
entertained of his recovery, chiefly because of 
the recurrence of lucid intervals, during which 
he could be propped up in his chair, and shown 
to the people, and even taken to the entertain 
ments of the Hippodrome in the morning : and 
sometimes he was sufficiently well to give 
audience, and receive the salutations of the se 
nate. Sometimes also he distributed largesses to 
the people, for which purpose they put money 
into his hand, which he scattered, with the help 
of his attendants, who guided his arms : but then 
he would again relapse into his former imbecility, 
to which were added other trials, especially the 
painful disease of strangury : so that upon the 
whole his health constantly declined. 

During this period the affairs of state were en 
tirely directed by the God-loving Csesar, especially 
the wars with the barbarians and the Persians ; 

e Literally, iv o-ij/mW, arbitrary signs being substituted for 
words according to the method of stenography existing in those 


but whenever Justin was capable of it, he took 
counsel with him; and if he spake any thing 
sensibly, it was done. But as time passed on, 
their hopes of his recovery were disappointed, 
and his maladies rather grew more and more ag 
gravated, till his pain was such, that he often 
called out, and besought them to bring a sword 
and kill him ; for death, he would say, is better 
for me than a life of such anguish and agony: 
and at other times he would bid them throw 
open the gates of the palace, that all who wished 
might enter, and see the king asking for death, 
and desiring it rather than life, and death denied 
him. And when afterwards the pain of the stran 
gury increased, and he was tortured by stones 
which obstructed the bladder, and physicians 
came to cut them away, they requested him, 
after the usual cowardly manner of physicians, 
to take the lancet into his hand, and give it 
them f : and he in answer begged them to shew 
him no mercy, but let him depart from life : and 
said, Fear not : even if I die, no harm shall hap 
pen unto you/ A deep incision was then made 
in both his groins, and the whole operation so 
barbarously performed, that he was put to ex 
treme torture : nevertheless, in the midst of his 
cries, he said, with a loud voice, Just are thy 
judgments, God; for all the sins and wicked 
nesses which I committed with my body are 

1 By this action was signified the king s consent to the opera 
tion, so that if he died under it, they would not be punished. 



openly requited in Thy anger upon the members 
whcivby I wrought them/ His death was now 
certain ; and being fully aware of it, he sent for 
the Caesar, and charged him, and admonished 
him in many words, saying, I, my son, am dy 
ing : go now, take the royal crown, but be on thy 
guard, that thou be not guilty of sin, and provoke 
God to anger: and consult for the good of the 
kingdom of the Romans. Accordingly, Tiberius 
received the crown on Monday the twenty-sixth 
of September, in the year eight hundred and 
ninety (A. D. 578) ; after which, Justin survived 
for nine days, and departed from this world on 
the fourth day of October that same year. 
III. 7- After the death of Justin, the queen Sophia 
continued to dwell with Tiberius in the palace, 
Ps. xlix. and he showed her the greatest honour, though 
she being in honour understood it not, as Scrip 
ture says. For before they made him Csesar, they 
had required from him an agreement confirmed 
by solemn oaths, that in case of the king s death, 
the Csesar should pay every honour to Sophia, 
and not do her any evil. And this he scrupu 
lously observed, and on the king s death took her 
to dwell with him in the palace, saying unto her, 
You are my mother : dwell here, and command 
me whatever you wish. When, however, he re 
quested permission for his wife to come and 
dwell with him, she was displeased, and refused 
her consent. For even during Justin s life, he had 
said to her, Let the Caesar s wife come and dwell 
with him : for he is a young man, and the flesh 


is hard to rule : hut she liad answered him with 
scorn ; Fool, do you wish me to make myself as 
great a simpleton as yourself? you ! who have 
invested your slave with the insignia of sove 
reignty ! And then she vowed with oaths, I, as 
long as I live, will never give my kingdom and 
my crown to another, nor shall another enter 
here as long as I am alive/ The idea therefore 
was given up, and during the four years which 
elapsed between the appointment of Tiberius as 
Caesar and Justin s death, the Caesar s wife was 
never suffered to enter the palace, and her hus 
band was compelled, on bringing her to Constan 
tinople, to give her and his two daughters the 
house of Hormisdas as a residence, as it was si 
tuated just below the palace. And constantly he 
went down and spent his evenings with them, 
and returned early in the morning to the palace. 
And it is said, that proposals were made to him, 
both through another person and through the 
patriarch, that he should put away his wife, and 
marry either Sophia herself or her daughter, who 
was also then a widow. But he was very indig 
nant on hearing their proposal, and said, accord 
ing to the current rumour, Will it please God, as 
well as you, for me to leave my wife, by whom I 
have had three children, and who took me to share 
all she had when I had nothing ? and now that 
God has raised me to power, am I to leave her 
and take another ? And thus he refused to listen 
to their words, and commit this iniquity. 

The name of the Caesar s wife was Ino, and she in. s. 

N 2 


had previously been married to a Roman who 
held some military office at a place called Daph- 
nudii Castra", and to whom she bore a daughter 
and this daughter they betrothed to Tiberius, 
while he was still a civilian and a Roman merely. 
Soon after the betrothal, the father died, and as 
the damsel did not long survive him, the mother 
remained a widow and childless. And Tiberius, 
as the will of Providence apparently had ordain 
ed, took the maiden s mother to wife, and had 
by her three children. And when he sent for 
her, and made her dwell in the palace of Hor- 
misdas, she was in constant terror, considering 
her life in danger : and as long as she remained 
there, no one ventured to visit her. For the 
wives of the senators met to consider it, but were 
afraid to go and make their obeisance: and, 
finally, they asked Sophia, whether it was her 
command that they should pay their respects 

5 I imagine this to be the place mentioned by Stephanus By- 
zantinus, in his work, De Urbibus, who says, "Eori *ai Aa^i/oi-- 

8iov npbs TO) Prjyifo TrXrjcriov rfjs 0paKQ>r ytjs. It evidently was on 

the seashore, and therefore cannot be the Daphnudium men 
tioned by Fabricitis, as the seat of a bishopric in Phrygia Sa- 

The word for civilian is literally pagan : but it had come to 
bear this interpretation among the jurisconsult! at Constanti 
nople. Similarly in the Acta Martyrii, c. I. Tarachus, on be 
ing asked what was his profession, says, I was a soldier ; but 
on becoming a Christian, I chose to be a pagan, i. e. civilian, 
7rayavcviv f)p(Ticrdp.T]v. Tiberius originally was a notary ; but 
rose subsequently to the high office of Comes Excubitorum, and 
so paved the way to his adoption by Justin. 


to the Caesar s wife ? fearing lest otherwise they 
should incur blame. But she scolded them 
sharply, and gave them an angry answer, saying, 
Go, and be quiet : it is no business of yours/ 
And as no one ventured to oppose her, the Caesar s 
wife made her escape, and fled from the city back 
to Daphnudium; and when she tell ill there, the 
Caesar was obliged to go backwards and forwards 
to see her. 

Upon the death however of Justin after hav- in. 9 . 
ing invested Tiberius with the royal crown, as 
we have mentioned above, when Tiberius made 
the request that his wife might be sent for, to 
share the crown with him, though Sophia was 
by no means pleased, yet it was impossible for 
her to offer any opposition. Accordingly the 
commander of the praetorian guard, accompanied 
by a large number of men of senatorial rank, 
with numerous row-boats, and a great retinue, 
set out to fetch her : and starting with great 
pomp, they arrived at Daphnudium, and in 
formed her of the purpose of their visit ; upon 
which she answered, * Come in the morning, and 
we will start immediately/ Upon receiving this 
reply, they prepared to remain there for the 
night, and a temporary abode having been erect 
ed for them, they entered it, and lodged there. 
But her real purpose was very different : for 
having sent immediately for one of her boatmen, 
she said, Go and get a boat ready ; for I wish 
to send forward an answer by you, without any 
one knowing it/ And at midnight, when the 


boat was ready, she took her two children, and 
one boatman only, and went on board with them 
by herself, without any companion, and started 
for the capital, leaving it to others to say to the 
commander and his retinue, Do not linger 
here; she whom ye want was at the city be 
fore sunrise/ On being informed of this, they 
were greatly annoyed, and returned to the city, 
ashamed at having to come back without bring 
ing her. She meanwhile on her arrival was con 
ducted immediately to the palace, and the patri 
arch met her there, and the whole senate and 
the king, and invested her in the robes and other 
insignia of royalty. And from the palace she 
proceeded in a covered litter to the church, at 
tended by the senate and her chamberlains, while 
the blue and green factions stood prepared each 
to greet her, the blue naming her Anastasia, 
while the green shouted Helena ; and so fiercely 
did they contend with rival shouts for the ho 
nour of naming her, that a great and terrible riot 
ensued, and all the people were in confusion. 
She meanwhile entered the church, and made 
adoration, and returned to the palace as queen h . 

h The account in Theophanes, though full of inaccuracies, con 
firms generally the narrative here given. He says, that when 
Tiberius had been crowned, on entering the Ludi Circenses, the 
populace demanded an Augusta : upon which Tiberius rose, and 
said, there was an empress already, whose name was the same as 
that of a church he pointed out : and thereupon the populace 
shouted Anastasia. This name apparently she afterwards boiv. 
as Tiberius did that of Constantine. Theophancs describes th<- 


Of the civil events which followed, our his 
torian says that their narration does not fall 
within his province ; nor indeed did the preced 
ing account, which however he recorded, because 
the affairs of state are closely connected with 
those of the church; and because there was a 
change of rulers; and, lastly, because the know 
ledge of these events may lead men to give God 
the glory. 

The queen Sophia, after the death of king III. 10. 
Justin, set on foot plots without number against 
king Tiberius, who was now also styled Con- 
stantine, in bitter malice and wicked violence, 
being indignant at seeing him and his wife re 
sident in the palace, and invested with the royal 
authority; and herself now in her lifetime de- 
consternation of Sophia upon the news as extreme ; for hitherto 
she had had no idea that Tiberius was married, and still less that 
lie had two daughters. But plainly Sophia knew of his marriage 
soon after he became Caesar, but hoped to prevail upon him to 
put his wife away. In the Remains of Theodosius of Melitene, 
just edited by Tafel, (Munich, 1859, p. 95), a similar account 
occurs : When Tiberius entered the Hippodrome, the factions 
demanded an Augusta : upon which he rose, and said, that the . 
Augusta had the same name as the church opposite the public 
baths of Dagistes. Upon this, shouts were raised of Long live 
the empress Anastasia ! But Sophia was grieved in heart ; for 
she intended to marry Tiberius, and remain Augusta : and to 
her influence with Justin he owed his elevation. Tiberius sub 
sequently appointed the palace on the Julian port for her resi 
dence, and surrounded her with a courtly retinue of chamberlains 
and officers, and honoured her like a mother. 


prived of her kingdom, in which she had con 
ducted herself neither justly nor in the fear of 
God ; nor had she, when trial and chastisement 
fell upon her husband, been warned thereby, or 
sorrowed, or understood that she also ought to 
fear God, and be admonished, and become as one 
of the just ; but was like one of those to whom 
u-m.ii.5. the words of the Apostle belong, that because 
of the hardness of thy unrepentant heart, thou 
storest up for thyself a treasure of wrath, for 
the day of wrath and revelation of the just 
judgment of God, Who shall render unto every 
man according to his deeds/ And truly in her 
case these words were fulfilled : for because, 
through the hardness of her heart and her proud 
imaginations, she would not repent, nor fear 
God ; she also was deprived of her royal state, 
though she had declared with oaths, that * as 
long as she lived, she would never give her king 
dom to another. Without her consent, therefore, 
the kingdom was taken away from her, and given 
to another, and she was set aside. 

They say, moreover, that when her husband s 
death was certain, she had several hundred 
pounds weight of gold removed from the palace, 
and placed in a house of her own: how many they 
were, we will not attempt to write, because we 
do not know the exact truth about the matter ; 
but the number mentioned was very large : and 
with them she also took other royal property 
besides. And when these doings reached the 
king s ears, he would not have her sent away 


from the palace, but said to her, Dwell here, and 
be content, as my mother : and whatever you 
command, we will do. Accordingly she dwelt 
in the palace, but was bitter, and vexed, and out 
of temper, and full of grief and lamentation at 
her present state, to think that she was humi 
liated, and reduced in rank, and deserted by all 
men, and in her lifetime had become like one 

At the commencement of Tiberius reign as III. n, 
Caesar, he began distributing presents lavishly 
to all men, so that when going to prayers, or 
wherever it might be, to the right hand or the 
left, money was scattered about on all sides as 
his hypatia : and even at sea, as he was rowed 
along, boats gathered round him from every 
quarter, and he threw them all money. This 
lavishness, however, displeased Justin and So 
phia, and they scolded him sharply for it, and 
finally took from him the keys of the treasury, 

5 The distributing of money and doles of corn, bread, &c. at 
Constantinople was reduced to a system, and formed a principal 
means of subsistence with large numbers of the population. Of 
the various methods practised, three in particular are noticed 
here : i. The hypatia, or money scattered among the crowds 
whenever the emperor appeared in public. It took its name 
from the consuls (hypati), as it was also expected of them. 
2. The Augustaticum, which consisted of more formal presents to 
the chief officers, and also civilians of the city. And, 3, the Do- 
nativum, which was a largess distributed in equal proportions 
among all the soldiers in the army. 


and set apart a fixed sum of money for his dis 
posal ; and so restrained him from such lavish 
and incessant gifts. When, however, lie became 
king, and the power was his alone, and, as the 
story goes, saw with his own eyes the piles of 
money which Justin and Sophia had gathered, 
he began again spending and dispersing it largely 
and widely : and when, at the commencement of 
his reign, he was distributing his Aiigustaticnm, 
or, as it is also called, the Donative of the 
Romans, and which was never higher in ordi 
nary circumstances than nine darics, he sent to 
the army in the field against the Persians no 
less than eight hundred pounds weight of gold 
as largess. And, as though it was his object to 
scatter his gifts more bountifully than any one 
of his predecessors had done, he commanded the 
whole of the scholastics, or jurists, who formed 
a very numerous profession, to come to the pa 
lace, and made presents to them all, beginning 
with fifteen and twenty darics, and giving to 
those of lower rank ten or twelve. Soon after, 
he bade the physicians come, and gave liberally 
to them all. And next came the silversmiths, 
and then the bankers : and what they received 
depended upon what came into his mind; but 
if it so chanced, he would give them a pound of 
gold, or fifty or sixty darics apiece. And then 
there were the officers of the staff k , and the 
decani, and the troops generally. And all had 

k Magistriani. 


their share : for Tiberius said, What good is all 
this gold hoarded up here, while the whole world 
is choked with hunger ? And thus he spent and 
squandered without stint : finally, however, he 
held in his hand, both discontinuing his dona 
tions, and not permitting any one to have access 
to him for such purposes. 

When the God-loving Caesar was importuned in. 
every day by John the patriarch about the Dia- 
crinomeni 1 , as the orthodox are called, he one 
day said, Upon your oath in God, tell me, if 
they are heretics or not. And he, hypocrite 
though he was, yet would not venture on oath 
to tell a lie, but answered, saying, In truth they 
are not heretics. Are they then believers? 
4 Yes, thoroughly believers : but they will have 
nothing to do with us and the church ; and will 
not communicate with us. Upon which he said, 
6 If, as you testify, they are believers and Christ 
ians, why do you urge me to be like Diocletian, 
a persecutor of Christians ? Go and sit quiet : 
we have enough to do with the wars with the 
barbarians : do not also bring upon us wars with 
our own people. 

1 The Diacrinomeni are explained by Du Gauge, as those who 
neither entirely accepted the council of Chalcedon, like the Ca 
tholics, nor entirely rejected it, like the Eutychians. But plainly 
this is not correct. The meaning of the term rather is, that they 
drew a distinction between the doctrine of pope Leo, which they 
rejected, and that of S. Cyril of Alexandria, to which they ad 
hered ; whereas the council of Chalcedon declared, that the two 
doctrines were in complete unison. 


III. 13. At a subsequent time, nevertheless, Tiberius 
was compelled to give way to the popular thirst 
for persecution, from the following circum 
stances : 

When, a few days before the death of Justin, 
he was solemnly invested with the crown, he 
immediately proceeded in state to the great 
church of Constantinople to pray : and the whole 
populace, together with the strangers who were 
there beyond numbering, assembled from every 
part of the city to see him ; but after the usual 
shouts in his honour, they began to cry, Out 
with the bones of the Arians : out with the 
bones of all heretics, and of the heathens too : 
may the faith of the Christians flourish ! ? These 
seditious cries greatly annoyed him ; but he said 
nothing at the time, being occupied in prayer, 
and after making the customary offerings upon 
his succession to the crown, he returned to the 
palace. On arriving there, however, he gave 
orders that the ringleaders should be sought for, 
and immediately arrested : for he considered 
that their cries had reference to and were 
levelled at himself, as though he were in secret 
an Arian: and in their private thoughts many 
had a suspicion of this kind from the following 
occurrence : A short time before, a large body 
of Goths had been despatched to fight against 
the Persians ; and their wives, who were left 
behind, requested Tiberius to assign them a 
church, in which they might worship according 
to their views, which were Arian. And he, that 


he might not annoy them, bade them return, and 
said, We will see the patriarch, and talk the 
matter over with him. And from this the story 
was buzzed about throughout the whole city, 
before he obtained the crown, that the Caesar 
was an Arian. And for this reason, those who 
had charge of the churches assembled, and 
shouted in the manner described. When then 
they were arrested, and brought into his pre 
sence, he received them very angrily, and said, 
What have ye seen in me like the Arian s, that 
ye have treated me with contumely, and follow 
ed me with cries about the Arians? Nor was it 
until they had made many apologies that they 
obtained their release. This occurrence led how 
ever to his publishing an edict, which was fixed 
up in the city, to the effect, that the Arians should 
be arrested, and the Manichaeans and Samosate- 
nians. And hence, as was sure to be the case, 
numbers were arrested and imprisoned by men 
who had no other object than openly and with 
out fear to pillage those who had wherewith to 
bribe them : and large sums were given by many 
to purchase their freedom. And in this manner 
many of the orthodox suffered, being arrested, 
and kept a long time in close confinement : and 
money was demanded of them, and when they 
had paid it they were set free. 

It is possible that this occurrence may also III. 14- 
have made Tiberius more lavish in his largesses : 
at all events, according to what was said both 
by himself and others, in the first year after he 


became sole monarch, he spent in this way no less 
than seven thousand two hundred pounds weight 
of gold, hesides silver, and dresses of silk m , and 
other things. He confined his benefits, however, 
to the rich and well fed, and did nothing to 
benefit the poor. And when Sophia was angry 
with him, and scolded him, and said, All that 
Ave by great industry and care have gathered 
and stored up, you are scattering to the winds 
as with a fan ; he said to her, What you col 
lected by iniquity and plunder and rapine, T am 
doing my best that not a fragment of it may 
remain in my palace/ Even before this, he had 
ordered the remission of one-fourth part of the 
taxes in all parts of his dominions : and further, 
directly he became emperor, he annulled a tax 
of four darics, which king Justin had levied 
upon each right of obtaining a loaf at the public 
distributions of bread n , instituted by Constan- 

m Silk in a manufactured state had long been known to the 
Romans, but Justinian introduced the worm itself into Europe 
by the exertions of two monks, who having penetrated into 
China, and seen the whole process there, were encouraged by 
him to return and obtain, if possible, some of the eggs. In this 
they succeeded, and the production of silk soon became general 
in Greece ; but it long continued to bear so high a price, as for 
a dress to be a fit present for emperors to make. 

n These apToi n-oXmicot have been already mentioned, where 
John tells us that Eutychius forced from him the right of receiv 
ing five loaves, which he had purchased for his monastery for 
three hundred darics ; and as these rights were attached, not to 
persons, but to buildings, Eutychius, as we shall see, had legal 
ri<;ht on his side, if he was justified in confiscating the monastery 


tine, and which they were then collecting ; and 
returned the money to all such as had already 
paid their quota. 

Another work of mercy he had done imme 
diately upon his appointment as Csesar : for Jus 
tin had levied upon all ships and merchants a 
payment equal to the value of one flagon upon 
each cask of wine : and this was every where 

at all. The history of these loaves, as given by the Byzantine 
historians, is as follows : When Constantine the Great and his 
son Constantius, were doing their best to induce people to settle 
in their new city, they made regular distributions of corn there, 
and every person who built a house received orders, in the shape 
of brazen tallies, for a certain number of loaves at each distri 
bution for ever : and this right went with the house, and as the 
distributions were very frequent, was a valuable property. The 
bread was given from certain stairs erected at intervals in the 
city, and not only had the householder to shew his tally, called 
calamus, but means were also taken to prevent their improper 
alienation from the house to which they belonged ; and churches 
and hospitals, by the laws of Justinian, could neither alienate nor 
pawn them on any pretence whatsoever. So valuable a property 
was naturally taxed by poor or greedy rulers ; and the very last 
emperor, who made the distribution, Heraclius, had but a short 
time before he discontinued it altogether, exacted a considerable 
money payment for each right. Cf. Justiniani Novel. 7. Ec- 
clesia3 et xenodochia alienare vetantur res immobiles, sive etiam 
rusticum mancipium, vel panes civiles, &c. ; and, for further par 
ticulars, Du Fresrie s Constant. Christ., p. 158, under Gradus, 
and his Glossary, under Panis Gradilis. It had this name, be 
cause (in the words of Prudentius) it was 

. . gradibus dispensus ab altis. 

And there were no less than a hundred and seven nights of steps 
erected in various parts of Constantinople, for the purpose of dis 
tributing bread and alms to that splendid city of beggars. 

1<)2 i:<vu;siASTirAi, IIISTOKY 

exacted so sharply that it brought in many 
talents. When, however, a petition upon the 
subject was presented to Tiberius, he immedi 
ately remitted it. And these things he did at 
the very commencement of his reign : and what 
was its character subsequently shall be shewn 
hereafter. And further he also made a public 
profession of being a Christian ; for Justin had 
introduced in the coinage of his darics a fe 
male figure , which was generally compared to 
Venus, and this Tiberius discontinued, and had a 
cross struck upon the reverse of his coins : and 
this act, as he himself said, was dictated to him 
in a vision. 

III. 15. To return, however, to the persecution com 
manded against heresies upon the occasion re 
ferred to above; not only those against whom it 
was directed suffered from it, but also the or 
thodox congregations were swept along by its 
violence, as by the rush of a mighty stream. 
And first of all they fell upon John, surnamed 
Superintendent of the heathen, and bishop of 
Ephesus, but who had now been for many years 
a resident at Constantinople, and having seized 
him and his companions, they cast them into a 
prison called the chancery, regardless of the 
many imprisonments and repeated banishments 

In Du Fresne s Families Augustse Byzantinse a coin of Jus 
tin s is engraved in p. 70, with a figure such as that described by 
our author : those of Tiberius, in p. 104, uniformly have the 



which he had now been called upon for many 
years to endure. The season, moreover, added 
to the severity of their sufferings : for it was 
Christmas, and the prison was in such had re 
pair that the water ran down at the corners, and 
after rain the drip continued for two or three 
days, owing to the ruinous state of the roof, so 
that they were, in a manner, cast into a pool, and 
were obliged constantly to stand up and exert 
themselves in baling out the water. They were 
glad, moreover, to throw themselves upon mat 
tresses used to bury the dead in, because they had 
no other place where to lay their heads. And to 
all this annoyance was added, that twice every 
day they were attacked by bishops and metropo 
litans and church lawyers sent to examine them. 
And when the grace of God which was with them, 
so sustained them that they did not give way, 
but fearlessly contended with great freedom of 
speech for the truth of the orthodox faith, their 
dyophysite persecutors, being beaten in argu 
ment, made use of insults and threats. And 
this continued for eighteen days, during every 
one of which there were meetings of syncelli 
and oeconomi P and other clergy, and also of lay- 

P At first the church depended solely on voluntary offerings, 
but in the fourth century ample endowments were given by 
wealthy laymen ; and that the time of the bishops might not be 
occupied with temporal matters, treasurers, called ccconomi, were 
appointed to manage the episcopal revenues ; and subsequently 
those of monasteries ; and these treasurers naturally became men 
of importance. 



men, to debate with them : and while Tiberius 
was scattering his largesses, they lay in prison. 
But when nothing could prevail upon John to 
yield to the patriarch s will even in words, sen 
tence was finally given that he must quit the 
city : whereupon he was led out of the prison 
with his friends, rejoicing and praising God that 
they had been counted worthy again to suffer 
for His name s sake. For Eutychius had even 
sent and torn away from John an easy chair on 
which he used to sit because of the gout in his 
feet. And much besides he had to suffer, but 
has contented himself with recording a few facts 
out of many. 

III. 1 6. The day after John had been let out of prison, 
a troop of persecutors, or rather perhaps they 
might fittingly be called a band of robbers, as 
sembled and attacked the church of the orthodox 
situated in the extensive palace called the Maria- 
num. It was Sunday, and the congregation were 
engaged in worship when they entered and ar 
rested many of them : and going, like heathens, 
to the altar, they lifted it up, and overturned it, 
and broke it, and poured out upon the ground the 
consecrated wine, and scattered the eucharistic 
bread ; and after destroying and spreading ruin 
throughout the church, and tearing down the 
pictures of the blessed Severus and Theodosius, 
they dragged off the clergy who were ministering 
there and many of the laity, and carrying them, 
as in mockery, head foremost, took them to the 
common prison, and confined them in the same 


ward-house in which John himself had lately been 
shut up. The majority of them, however, after 
pillaging them of every thing that fell into their 
hands, they let go ; and the rest, a few days 
after, Eutychius caused to he brought into his 
presence, and subjected to a long examination, 
at the close of which, in the evening, he set 
them free. But when at length the merciful 
king heard of these things, he rebuked the patri 
arch, and somewhat restrained his impetuosity. 

As regards Eutychius himself, when, after Til. 17. 
John s death, he was invited to return to his see, 
people spread abroad the report that he was a 
righteous man, and had the power of work 
ing miracles, and seeing visions : and he was 
even weak enough to imagine this of himself. 
When, however, upon his restoration, no legal in 
quiry was made into his deposition by his prede 
cessor, but he mounted his throne in the cathe 
dral church without even the act of excommu 
nication issued against him being annulled, many 
withdrew themselves from his communion as 
being a man excommunicate and formally de 
posed by the late patriarch ; and also because 
having retaliated by excommunicating his rival, 
he now accepted his ordination and every thing 
he had done as valid, without any inquiry or 
examination being held. Arid besides this, there 
was also a second cause of offence to the church, 
in that when shortly afterwards he had heard of 
some persons who were infected by the errone 
ous doctrine of John Grammaticus of Alexandria, 



who, as we have mentioned in the preceding 
book, held that the present bodies of men do not 
arise at the resurrection, but others in their 
stead ; Eutychius was perverted by it, and 
greedily swallowed it, and undertook the de 
fence of those who do away with the resurrec 
tion, and argued that the case is so, that this 
body does not rise, but another is formed, and 
takes its place. Upon this, several of his suffra 
gans and leading clergy and others reasoned 
with him, but only confirmed him in his belief, 
and he even composed a treatise in its defence, 
and had several copies of it made, w r hich he dis 
tributed among the ladies of the court, that they 
might read it, and be taught his views. And 
many other similar absurdities were committed 
by him in word and deed, so that people began 
to regard him as a simpleton, who was out of his 
mind. But really, as was only too manifest sub 
sequently, an evil spirit vexed and troubled him, 
so that on two several occasions, as he was 
standing at the altar in the great church, it tore 
him in the presence of the whole congregation, 
and they hastily put him into a litter, and car 
ried him out. And once again in the church of 
the blessed mother of God in Chalcoprateia ^ ; 
and often, as men said, in his palace it threw 

q This district of the city was so called because inhabited 
chiefly by Jews, who followed the trade of braziers. The church 
of the Virgin situated in it was rebuilt by Justin and Sophia, 
after having been destroyed by an earthquake, and was famous 


him on the ground. His friends, who were an 
xious to throw a veil over it, said, that from 
long fasting and watching, the humour was stir 
red up, and got into his head, and there con 
gealed, and produced vertigo, and made him fall ; 
and that he had not a devil. But many, in an 
swer to this, said, Does humour tear a person, 
and convulse him, and make him foam, and roll 
upon the ground? And besides, all his acts 
soon made it plain to every body that his mind 
was troubled and darkened by an evil spirit; for 
his words often were quite beside the purpose, 
and he would break out into unseemly fits of 
laughter, and other similar follies. He also 
wrote a book entirely from beginning to end in 
defence of the doctrine of the two natures re 
maining after the union, and in it he found fault 
with all the fathers, who had not blasphemously 
taught like himself a quaternity in the place of 
the holy Trinity. And this book also he circu 
lated among private houses, that they might 
learn it ; but all who read it only laughed and 
derided him, regarding him as a simpleton, who 
was not right in his mind : and, in fact, the com 
mon rumour throughout the city was, Verily, 
this man, whom they described as working signs 
and miracles, is quite bereft of common sense/ 

The real cause of these absurdities was Euty- Hi. 18. 

both for an ancient image of our Lord, which Leo the Iconoclast 
vainly endeavoured to destroy, and also for possessing a girdle, 
once worn by the Virgin. Cf. Du Fresne, Const. Christ, lib. iv. 
p. 85. 


chius s pride : for upon his restoration to the 
throne of the church of the royal city, on finding 
himself firmly established there, and the object at 
first of general praise, and further received with 
the utmost honour by the merciful king Tiberius, 
he was immediately so puffed up with arrogance 
and vanity, as not to know his position, and say 
things superfluous and unmeaning, which led to 
his being talked about and ridiculed as wanting 
in good sense. And it was this which led to his 
publishing the large book referred to upon the 
two natures, by which he only called attention to 
his infatuation ; and what was worse, he began 
sending copies to the houses of the chief men, 
and required ladies of senatorial rank, and their 
husbands, especially if previously opposed to this 
doctrine, to read his arguments, and assent to 
them, and own that for certain the two natures 
did remain distinct after the union : and any one 
who did not own this was a heretic, he said, and 
follower of Eutyches. But the only effect was, 
that even his own side ridiculed him, and sent 
him back his books. 

III. 19. Furthermore, this proud and haughty Eutychius 
shewed his zeal against the phrase, That wast 
crucified for us/ introduced into the Trishagion, 
and threatened and disputed with every one who 
ventured to use it. Now there were at Constan 
tinople certain famous and princely convents of 
ladies who had fled from Antioch at the com 
mencement of the persecution, and from that 
time had dwelt in various parts of the capital. 


and who, according to the custom and tradition 
of the East, used to say in their services, Thou 
that wast crucified for us, have mercy upon us. 
And on this account Eutychius paid them a visit 
in person, attended hy his clergy, and began ex 
plaining to them, and teaching them the impro 
priety of the expression: and threatened them 
with punishment unless they discontinued it. And 
whereas in the days of the victorious Justin, in 
the persecution which he authorized against hoth 
them and every body else, some of these nun 
neries had conformed to the council of Chalcedon, 
and some had resisted to the last, they now unani 
mously all assembled, and determined firmly to 
resist this innovation, saying, We have gone far 
enough, in having at your compulsion changed 
and corrupted our faith : but to deny our God, 
Who was crucified and suffered and died. for us, 
is a thing we will never assent to, spite of sword 
and cross and fire. And as they all with one voice 
warmly and decidedly exclaimed and protested 
to this effect, the clergy, seeing the firmness and 
determined zeal which made them utter these 
things to the patriarch s face, said to him, Come, 
my lord, we must go : it is time for service : and 
so he arose and departed, without at all effecting 
his purpose. And finally, he wrote a long trea 
tise, full of instruction and flattery and threats, 
and sent it to them : but they paid no heed to it, 
saying, We are but women, and know nothing 
about controversy : but from the tradition of the 
Oriental Fathers we will never depart as long as 


we live. The story was soon told about the city, 
and thence reached the palace, and the ears of 
Tiberius ; and as the whole attempt met with his 
and general disapproval, the zeal of Eutychius 
cooled down, and he kept quiet. 

III. 20. In the fourth year after the restoration of Eu 
tychius to his see, he set his face against the 
orthodox in bitter malice, sending his emissaries 
to seize and plunder and imprison, overturning 
everywhere their altars, and tearing down their 
pictures, and plundering by open robbery every 
thing they could lay hands on, such as altar fur 
niture, and vestments, and carpets, and books 
and cushions, and, in short, everything there was 
wherever they went. They seized moreover upon 
men s persons, with the view of extracting mo 
ney: and throwing even priests and bishops into 
prison, they kept them there in bitter misery as 
long as they liked, until they had wrung every 
thing from them. And those who had nothing- 
were compelled to borrow, and give it ; and 
though thus they were set free, and came out of 
prison, it was in poverty, as they had saved no 
thing whatsoever from their former pillaging : 
but those who had no means of obtaining money 
were banished, or sent to various monasteries for 
imprisonment, and were treated there with much 
severity. And the excellent Eutychius used to go 
to the merciful Tiberius, and accuse the whole 
body of the believers, wickedly and unrestrained 
by the fear of God. And while all the heretics, 
such as Arians, and Macedonians, and Samosato 


nians, to whom lie himself belonged, and Mani- 
chseans, and Marcionites, and the followers of 
Manes, dwell every where in peace, with no one 
to trouble them, the true believers alone were 
persecuted and spoiled, and sent into exile, to 
distant cities and various islands far away in 
the sea, and delivered over to every kind of 
misery in heavy bonds and close imprisonments, 
and hunger and thirst, and trials of every kind ; 
so that if the grace of God had not visited 
them, and strengthened them, " no flesh of them Mat.xxiv. 
could have lived," according to what Scripture 22 
says of the distress which is foretold as about to 

be at the end. 

In permitting this persecution, Tiberius was HI. 21. 
but partially to be blamed. For he was occu 
pied entirely with the dangerous wars which sur 
rounded him on every side ; and when the bishop 
Eutychius daily visited him, and incited him 
against the distinguishes/ he at length an 
swered, Trouble me about such things no more : 
I have as much as I can do with the wars I am 
engaged in : you must act in church matters ac 
cording to what you think right at your own 
risk. Look to it yourself. I am free from guilt 
in this matter/ Thus left to himself, the patri 
arch, without fear of God or the king, widened 
and aggravated a persecution the sole object of 
which was plunder, and not anything connected 
with the faith. And to extend it to every land, 
and induce men to persecute after his example, 
he even deigned to write himself to all the pro- 


vinces and chief towns, urging them everywhere 
to commence a sharp persecution against the 
distinguishes as he had himself done : and as 
they were themselves ready enough to do it for 
the sake of the plunder and spoil of men s pro 
perty, and the open robbery permitted on pre 
tence of the faith, they set a persecution on foot, 
in company with his creatures and others, in 
every province and in all directions, while the 
victorious king was so occupied with the trying 
wars which surrounded him, that he could afford 
neither the time nor attention necessary for ex 
amination and inquiry into these things. 

III. 22. Be this then known to all men, who in time to 

come shall fall in with these narratives, that in 
thus writing we adhere strictly to the exact 
truth ; and although we profess ourselves the 
opponents of the excellent patriarch Eutychius, 
yet even so, we have not departed from the truth 
even in one point out of a hundred, nor have we 
recorded these things through any desire to bring 
reproach and scorn upon him. And equally so 
with respect to his serene majesty, we have nei 
ther spoken nor written any thing with the view 
of flattering him, but have endeavoured in all 
things to be the advocates of truth. And yet 
when the king Tiberius was but a youth, and his 
cheeks undarkened by a beard, we both of us, 
together with the rest of the court, were con 
stantly in one another s company, in attendance 
upon his late majesty Justin ; and owing to this, 
1 have long had the fullest knowledge of his 


manner of life and conduct. And now that he 
has been thought worthy of being elevated to his 
present royal dignity, we assure all those who 
are not eyewitnesses of it, that he continues to 
practise the same frankness and humility as of 
old, without being changed or filled with pride, 
as so young a man might be by the possession of 
royal power. Nor will he permit any one to be 
put to death, or plundered of his property, as 
was the practice of his predecessor, who stained 
himself and his hands with innocent blood : but 
up to this present time, which is the third year A.D. 581 
of his reign, besides the four during which he 
was Csesar, he conducts himself with nobleness 
and humility, although many find fault with him 
as being too quiet and humble, and inspiring no 
fear; but in spite of their representations, he still 
continues his gentleness of demeanour up to this 
present time. 

While king Tiberius, or, as he is also called, in. 23. 
Constantine, was Csesar only, and Justin occupied 
the palace r , scanty apartments were assigned for 
his use in one of the wings : and even after Jus 
tin s death, as Sophia gave no signs of changing 
her residence, and he was unwilling to dispossess 
her, and she would not permit him to reside with 
her, he was in great difficulties, as the space al- 

r The name here given to the palace is the Authenticum, as 
avdevTTjs had now become one of the recognised titles of the 


lotted him had always ]>een of the narrowest de 
scription, and now that he was sole master, and 
had been joined by his wife and two daughters, 
was altogether inadequate to his wants. As he 
would not therefore oppose or annoy queen So 
phia, by taking up his residence in the palace 
itself, he was compelled to remodel the whole of 
the northern side, and erect large and spacious 
buildings; for which purpose he was not only 
obliged to take down the extensive edifices al 
ready existing there, but also to sacrifice a beau 
tiful garden, which had existed in the interior of 
the palace, and been a great pleasure to former 
kings. Upon its site magnificent and splendid 
buildings were erected, including a noble bath, 
and spacious stabling for his horses, and other 
necessary offices. 

ill. 24. Justin had also busied himself in building, 
even when engaged in persecution, and the trou 
bling of the church, and in plunder and pillage ; 
and when too the dread punishment was sent 
down upon him : but in this also there had been 
evident signs of the wrath of Heaven resting upon 
him. For having formed the idea of erecting a 
palace upon the site of his former dwelling in 
the north-western suburb of the city, he razed a 
great number of houses there to the ground, and 
built a hippodrome, and laid out extensive gardens 
and pleasure-grounds, which he planted with trees 
of all kinds : and gave orders also for the erection 
of two magnificent statues of brass in honour of 


himself and Sophia 8 . But scarcely had they been 
set up, before a violent storm of wind occurred, 
which overturned them, and they were found 
deeply imbedded head foremost in the ground. 
And this was regarded by men as a sign of wrath 
and impending ruin. But Justin, nothing discou 
raged, next determined upon building a pharos, 
that is, a tall and lofty pillar, whence to enjoy 
the view : and this he commenced in the eastern 
part of the city on the seashore, in what is 
called the Zeuxippus 1 . Within it a vaulted stair 
was constructed, so broad and strong that the 
workmen could mount up it with loads of mas 
sive hewn stone; which were cramped together 
with bars of iron, and strongly cemented with 
lead. And when it had reached a great height, 
and was all but completed, some of the city wits 

s An account of these statues is extant also in Cedrenus, who 
describes them as set up near the harbour subsequently known 
as the Palace Haven, but then called by the name of Sophia. 
Theodosius Melitenus also, p. 94, describes their erection upon 
the Julian port, which Justin, he says, cleaned out, and called by 
the name of the Empress. 

1 The Zeuxippus was a splendid bath, built by the Emperor 
Severus, and surrounded by extensive pleasure-grounds, in which 
were collected the chief treasures of art in Constantinople. Its 
beauty is the theme of many Byzantine writers, and whole books 
of epigrams have been written upon the master works of statuary 
deposited there ; one of which was a statue of the Sun by Zeux 
ippus himself, whence the bath took its name : but its chief glory 
was a statue of Homer, sitting, full of thought, his hair and 
beard rough and neglected, and his hands folded on his breast. 


wrote a doggrel inscription, and fixed it up on a 
tablet there, as follows : 

Build, build aloft thy pillar, 

And raise it vast and high ; 

Then mount and stand upon it, 

Soaring proudly in the sky : 

Eastward, south, and north, and westward, 

Wherever thou shalt gaze, 

Nought thou lt see but desolations, 

The work of thy own days. 

Before its completion, however, Justin died, 
and it is said that the question who should finish 
it led to a quarrel between Tiberius and Sophia : 
for she bade him undertake it ; but he said, I 
shall do nothing of the sort; for it is your duty 
to finish it. And she, supposing that at all events 
he would complete it, if his own statue were 
placed upon it, said, 4 If you will not finish it in 
honour of him who began it, do so for yourself: 
at which he was angry, and vowed that his statue 
should stand neither upon it nor any where else. 
Subsequently, when he saw that the huge blocks 
of stone employed in it would be useful for his 
new buildings in the palace, he had it entirely 
taken down, and the stones removed thither, 
and to the church he was building close by, 
dedicated to the forty martyrs: and it supplied 
him with materials for a long time. This folly 
was said to have cost Justin many talents of 


The merciful Tiberius during the whole time III. 25. 
he was Caesar in Justin s lifetime, because of 
the king himself having fallen a prey to various 
maladies, was entirely occupied with the wars 
which surrounded him on all sides : for, besides 
the struggle with the Persians, he was constantly 
threatened in every direction by those other bar 
barian tribes which had risen up against the 
powerful empire of the Romans : and after the 
death of Justin, they pressed upon him with still 
greater violence, especially the accursed tribes of 
the Slavonians, and those who, from their long 
hair, are called Avars. For after he became sole 
ruler, they gave him neither rest nor breathing- 
time, but constantly wars and rumours of war 
multiplied around him : so that many, both of 
the chiefs and the commonalty, used to express 
their sorrow for him, and say, * Verily the king 
dom has fallen to his lot in a time of trial and in 
evil days ; for day and night he is anxious, and 
full of care how best he can gather troops from 
every quarter, and send them to maintain these 
incessant w r ars/ 

It was this necessity which compelled Tiberius ill. 26. 
to enlist under his banners a barbarian people 
from the west, called Goths, and who were fol 
lowers of the doctrine of the wicked Arius. And 
on their departure for Persia, leaving their wives 
and children at Constantinople, they asked the 
king to set apart and assign for their use a 
church, in which during their absence their fa 
milies who remained behind might assemble for 


worship. And the king, anxious to content them, 
and considering that they were labouring to the 
best of their ability in defence of the Roman 
realm, and fighting with its enemies, said, We 
will see to it, and talk the matter over with the 
patriarch. And from this promise and answer, 
which he gave them to satisfy them for the mo 
ment, without granting at once their request, it 
was supposed by everybody, and said, that the 
king was an Arian, and held the same doctrine 
as those who had made the request, only that he 
concealed his opinion. When then, according to 
custom, he went to the high church, the crowds 
shouted, * Out with the bones of the Arians : dig 
from their graves the bones of the Arians/ And 
when Tiberius heard these cries, he knew that 
they were directed against himself, and was 
much disturbed ; and on his return to the palace, 
he sent and arrested many of them, and said to 
them, What see in me like an Arian, that ye 
have followed me with cries, and have insulted 
me in the church? And when they had apolo 
gized, being in great fear of the consequences, 
with the view of clearing himself from the sup 
position, he gave orders that the Arians should be 
persecuted. And having thus obtained the oppor 
tunity, the ruffians in the church, on pretence of 
the edict, rushed like so many wolves, not only 
upon those to whom the commandment applied, 
such as the followers of Manes, the Macedonians, 
the Samosatenians, and others, but upon those to 
whom it did not apply, and confounded the or- 


thodox with them, and fell upon all alike, and 
plundered without distinction, until their doings 
reached the king s ears, and he rebuked them, 
and sharply threatened them, unless they imme 
diately discontinued such conduct. 

In the second year of Tiberius reign, A. D. 579, ~n~\ 1J 
the news reached the capital that the wicked 
heathens at Baalbec, otherwise called Heliopolis, 
who were professed worshippers of Satan, were 
plotting whenever they could find an oppor 
tunity to destroy and wipe out the very remem 
brance of the Christians in that town, who were 
few and poor, while they all were in the con 
stant enjoyment of wealth and dignity. They 
indulged moreover in scoffs at Christ, and all 
who believed in him, and had already ventured 
upon many acts of open violence. Upon the 
news reaching Tiberius, he intrusted the mat 
ter to an officer who had already a short time 
before been sent to the East by Justin, upon 
the occasion of a revolt and disturbance created 
by the Jews and Samaritans in Palestine : and 
who on his arrival there had effectually reduced 
them to order, exterminating some and crucifying 
others, and destroying their property, and compel 
ling them, by the severity of his measures, to sub 
mission. On receiving the king s commands, this 
officer, whose name was Theophilus, proceeded at 
once from Palestine to Heliopolis, and having ar 
rested numerous heathens, recompensed them as 
their audacity deserved, humbling them and cm- 


cifying tliem, and slaying them with the sword. 
And on being put to the torture, and required to 
give the names of those who were guilty like them 
selves of heathenish error, they mentioned nume 
rous persons in every district and city in their 
land, and in almost every town in the East, but 
especially at Antioch the Great. Of most of these 
he was contented with sending the names to 
the magistrates of the place where they resided, 
with orders that they should be arrested imme 
diately, and sent to him : but Theophilus de 
spatched one of his own attendants to secure the 
person of Rufinus, whom they had mentioned as 
holding the office of high-priest at Antioch. On 
the officer s arrival, however, he found that Rufi 
nus was not there, but had lately gone on a visit 
to Anatolius, the governor and procurator of 
Edessa. Having demanded therefore the services 
of a magistrate to escort him, and of a bishop to 
conduct the examination ; as soon as they were 
granted him, with an officer of the church court, 
he started for Edessa, in the hope of arresting 
Rufinus there. 

III. 28. On their arrival they learned that he was dwel 
ling there, and having waited for night, upon sur 
rounding the house in order to arrest him, they 
found a feast of Zeus actually being celebrated 
by the heathens, and people assembled toge 
ther with Rufinus to offer sacrifices. On becom 
ing aware, however, that they were endeavouring 
to surround the house, those present took the 
alarm, and fled. But Rufinus knowing well that 


he had no place of refuge to which he could 
escape, drew his knife, and smote it into his 
heart, and having given himself also a wound in 
the abdomen, fell down dead. There was, how 
ever, a gouty old man, too feehle to flee, and an 
old woman, whom on entering they found still 
present, with the dying body of Rufinus stretched 
upon the ground, and surrounded by the pre 
parations for sacrifice. Upon them therefore 
they laid hands, and threatened them with in 
stant death, unless they truly declared the names 
of all who had taken part in these proceedings ; 
but if they would make a full confession, they 
promised that no harm should happen to them. 
And they being in terror of death, told all their 
names, and among them was the governor and 
procurator, Anatolius. He meanwhile had con 
trived a subtil way of escape, which however 
proved of no avail : for hastily wrapping himself 
in his travelling coat, as if just come from a dis 
tant journey, and putting on his leathern leg 
gings and walking shoes, he went to the bishop s 
house. And he on hearing that the governor 
was come, was in a great state of terror, and 
said, Why has the governor come hither at this 
unseasonable hour? But being admitted, he 
said, I have come hither straight from my 
journey, that I might be satisfied about a cer 
tain text. For I have had a dispute about such 
and such a passage of Scripture, and am in doubt 
as to its right explanation : and therefore I have 



paid you a visit before going to the government 
house, that you may explain it to me. But this 
he only did in subtilty, that he might have the 
bishop to bear witness, that he had called upon 
him fresh from a journey ; and in case they were 
to say that he had been that night in the com 
pany of those who offered the sacrifice, he trusted 
that this trick would set the matter right. But, 
i Sam. ii. as the Scripture says, The Lord is a Lord of 
knowledge : and artful ways shall not be esta 
blished before Him : so this man s artifices did 
not stand. For just as he left the bishop s pre 
sence, those who had been sent to arrest him 
met him, and laid hands upon him, and said, 
* Come peaceably with us, my lord governor : we 
are greatly in need of your highness : give orders 
for bailsmen to be put in for you at a talent 
apiece, that within ten days you appear at An- 
tioch/ But he in answer began to explain to 
them, and say, I have but just entered the city 
from a journey, as the bishop will bear testi 
mony/ But they replied, * It is no use playing 
us tricks, my lord governor. This very night 
you have been with Rufinus and the rest of your 
people, and have offered sacrifice to Zeus; and 
the witnesses are all ready to prove it/ And 
when upon this he threatened them with his 
power, and said, You are putting a stop to all 
matters of state ; they replied, Threaten us not, 
my lord governor: as your highness is a living 
man, you will not get away from hence without 


giving us bail. And now finding that he had no 
choice, nor probability of escape, he consented, 
and gave bail, and set out immediately with them 
and their other prisoners for Antioch. 

On their arrival at Antioch, and the deposi- in. 29. 
tions taken at Edessa concerning the heathens 
found there being read over, both Anatolius 
and his secretary, whose name was Theodore, 
were arrested and put to the question: and at 
first they had recourse to falsehood, but finally 
the secretary, after being tortured and severely 
scourged, declared his willingness to confess 
every thing : and, as was said, they deposed that 
both Gregory, the patriarch of Antioch, and Eu- 
logius, who was subsequently patriarch of Alex 
andria, had been present with them at the sa 
crifice of a boy, held by night at Daphne : 
and scarcely, said they, had they completed 
the sacrifice, before the whole city suddenly 
trembled and shook with earthquake. No sooner 
was this confession heard, than the whole popu 
lation was filled with horror and amazement, 
and various cries were raised, and the cathedral 
closed, while Gregory could not venture to leave 
his palace, nor could the liturgy be celebrated, 
nor the consecration of the holy chrism, as is 
usual on Thursday in Passion week. The full ac 
count, however, of what took place, and the cries 
raised, we must be excused from recording ; but, 
as was said by all men, the depositions were sent 
to the king, and the affair became the subject of 
general conversation: but finally, it was thought, 


that for the honour of Christianity, and that the 
priesthood might not be exposed to scorn and 
blasphemy, the matter must be hushed up. 

As for Anatolius, having- set up in his house a 
picture of our Lord, in the hope of making people 
erroneously suppose that he was a Christian, he 
invited a number of persons to come and see it. 
But as he was shewing it, the picture turned 
hindside foremost with its face to the wall, so 
that astonishment fell upon all who witnessed 
it. Anatolius, however, turned it back again, 
and put it right ; but suddenly, a second time, it 
turned round ; and again a third time. And 
upon this they examined it closely, and found 
skilfully introduced into the back a likeness of 
Apollo, so carefully done as not to be visible 
without looking closely at it. Horrified at the 
sight, the archers threw him on the ground, and 
kicked him, and dragged him by the hair to the 
Pnetorium, where they declared all that had 
happened : and, as was said, finding escape im 
possible, he also made a full deposition of every 

His notary, Theodore, who had made the de 
position respecting the bishops, and the rest, 
being kept in prison, subsequently, as we shall 
shew hereafter, died there, and it was the gene 
ral belief that really he was murdered, in order 
that his deposition might be got out of the way : 
but to the truth of tins we will not bear testi 
mony, nor have we space for much besides which 


When, however, the news arrived at the capi- III. 30. 
tal, accompanied by the depositions of what had 
taken place at Antioch, the whole city, together 
with the merciful king and the senate, were 
moved, and struck with consternation and 
astonishment, and nothing else was talked of in 
all parts of the city. And on the arrival of the 
prisoners, a court was appointed, consisting of 
magistrates and jurists, to try them, and ex 
amine into the truth of the matter, upon oath 
that they would shew no partiality nor respect of 
persons. Accordingly they held their sittings in 
the royal palace of Placidia, but their proceed 
ings were secret, and although a few facts trans 
pired, it was in spite of their own efforts to con 
ceal them. And after some time, men generally 
were convinced that bribery was permitted, and 
prevailed over the truth : and while there were 
known to be in the city many followers of hea 
thenism, the people considered that the court 
acquitted whom they chose, such, that is, as 
gave money, and whom they chose they unjustly 
condemned ; and that the quest for the heathen 
was carelessly and corruptly carried on : and the 
more so as the king was indifferent to it, and 
had gone out to one of his country palaces, and 
what \vas done was kept secret from all eyes. 

There was, therefore, much murmuring and ill. 3 i. 
complaint because the matter was, as they con 
sidered, put out of the way and dropped by the 
influence of gold, and was coming to an end, and 
nullified, and even such heathens as were ar- 


rested set free ; and the dissatisfaction proceeded 
so far, that at length crowds began suddenly to 
gather in the heart of the city, and give utter 
ance to their indignation in cries, such as, Out 
with the bones of the dicasts! Out with the 
bones of the heathens ! The faith of the Christ 
ians for ever! Out with the bones of the di 
casts ! meaning by them the judges appointed to 
try the heathens, and who, they considered, had 
taken bribes, and so ruined the whole matter. 
And no sooner were these cries heard than people 
flocked to them from all parts of the city, so that 
the number of the rioters rapidly increased to 
more than a hundred thousand men, all inflamed 
with zeal for Christianity. In alarm at so vast a 
mob, the whole city was troubled, the shops were 
shut, the silversmiths workshops closed, and 
Jews, Samaritans, and heretics of all kinds rush 
ed from every quarter, and mingled themselves 
in the crowd, ready both to set the city on fire, 
and steal whatever came to hand. Meanwhile 
the Christians were hurrying under great excite 
ment to the cathedral in the hope of seizing the 
bishop, uttering by the way many scandalous re 
proaches at his conduct, such as are not fit for 
us to record ; accusing him of taking side with 
the heathens, and supposing, because of the 
rumours of heathenism current against the bi 
shops of Antioch and Alexandria, that he had 
used his utmost exertions to screen them from 
trial, and so brought the matter to an end : and 
therefore they threatened him with death. But 


on reaching his palace, they found it shut on 
every side, and some of the mob, therefore, were 
ready to burn it : but there stood a church with 
in the precincts, which stayed their rage, though 
the Jews and heretics, as they afterwards con 
fessed before the prefect of the city, were ready 
to burn the church as well. An official of the 
patriarch s court now came out to address them, 
but they threw him down, and gave him a bitter 
time. And next they all ran to the hall of Pla- 
eidia where the trials were carried on : uttering 
reproaches against the judges and patricians and 
magistrates and recorders and jurists, who formed 
the court, and threatening them with destruc 
tion. Upon arriving there, they burst open the 
doors and windows, and broke to pieces the 
benches and the cells, and forced an entrance 
into the great hall, and made search every where 
for heathens. One of the cells into which they 
broke belonged to the treasury, and was full of 
talents of gold ; but on seeing them they imme 
diately turned away : and the sentinel, wishing 
to appease their violence, and supposing that 
they would immediately begin to plunder, said, 
Sirs, make no tumult ; if you wish for gold, see, 
here is plenty. But, as with one mouth, the 
whole multitude called out, We are no thieves : 
we are Christians, and assembled in Christ s 
cause, to avenge the wrongs of Christianity upon 
the heathen. Keep your gold for yourself; we 
touch it not. Rushing on, they destroyed every 
thing in their way, even some pictures which they 


found, and pulled down all they could, and 
broke it, and finally they found two heathens 
in prison, a man and a woman, with whom 
they hurried off to the shore of the sea, where 
they seized a boat, and having laid hands on 
the public executioner, commanded him to set 
it on fire. But when he refused, being afraid of 
the prefect of the city, they put them on board, 
and threw fire in, and flung the executioner in 
with them, but he managed to leap overboard 
into the sea, and though much burnt, escaped 
with his life: but the other two were consum 
ed and sunk in the sea". And next the mob, 
whose numbers were now incredible, ran to the 
prisons, and broke open the doors, and set the 
prisoners free, calling out, Ye let heathens go : 
why keep ye Christians in prison V And thence 
they ran to the praetor s government-house, and 
broke open the doors, and having entered the 
chambers and record offices, in which all pro 
cesses against Christians are deposited, they 
abstracted the papers, and cut them up and 
threw them about, and set those who were im 
prisoned there free. Their next object of attack 
was the dwelling of the prefect of the city, 
whither they proceeded with tumultuous and 
violent cries of Out witli the heathens bones : 

u This method of executing criminals was not an uncommon 
one at Constantinople. Among other instances, we read in Chron. 

Alex. (p. 870. ed. Raderus) KAn-i Sio? Karrjvfx^ npus tfuXao-aai/ Km eo- 
pv\6evr<t)v TO)v o(f)6a\p.S)v avror, ft\rjd(\s els /cdpa/3oi/ (Kctvdr). And subse 
quently the murderer of Eustochius was thus put to death, iii. 35. 


and he, though it was universally said that he 
was a heathen himself, joined heartily in their 
shouts, saying, Out with the heathens bones : 
Christianity for ever : your zeal is beautiful : 
and see ! I join you in your cries: and ye know 
that I was not one of the judges of the heathen ; 
they would not trust me, and no heathen has 
been judged in my court: make, therefore, no 
tumult. And with these words he restrained 
their impetuosity, so that they did not lay hands 
upon him as they had intended, and burn down 
his court. They cried out, however, that lie 
must accompany them immediately to Tiberius 
palace in the suburb ; and he was far too terri 
fied to refuse : and calling hastily for a boat, he 
started in the utmost confusion, without even 
waiting to put on the insignia of his office, being 
solely intent upon making his escape from the 
violence of so countless a mob. He started, 
therefore, in haste to the king; and while in 
forming him of what was going on, suddenly 
more than twenty thousand rioters appeared, 
who had determined to come in person, and ar 
rived at the very time when he was speaking, 
uttering various cries, and moreover asking why 
the inquisition after the heathen was perverted, 
and hushed up ; and why bribery was permitted 
to overbear the truth. And after uttering these 
cries against the heathens, they began to shout 
and revile the Arians, having a different object 
in view ; and the whole palace was thereby 
thrown into confusion, and things were said un- 


fit to be recorded in writing. Finally, the king 
sent them a message as follows : Make no tu 
mult, but return to the city, and we will imme 
diately return there ourselves, and do what you 
wish ; nor will we neglect the matter. And so 
the mob was quieted, and the fierceness of their 
rage appeased, and they returned to the city, 
and the riot ceased, as they waited for the 
arrival of the king, and the fulfilment of his 

III. 32. Upon their departure, the king gave orders to 
collect a considerable force of armed men, that 
in case there was any disturbance, he might take 
military measures for its suppression, and with 
them entered the city. His first act was to give 
an equestrian entertainment in the Hippodrome ; 
but when the people assembled, they began to 
utter cries of various kinds, until he sent and 
bade them be quiet and peaceable : for you 
know, he said, that every man shall be recom 
pensed according to his deeds. And upon this 
all tumult and confusion ceased. Immediately 
upon his arrival he had dismissed the prefect 
Sebastian from his office, and appointed in his 
stead one Julian x , to whom he now gave orders to 
arrest such as w r ere known to have taken part in 
the tumult, and put them to the torture, and find 
out who the rest were. On commencing his interro 
gatories, Julian found out that many of them were 

x A word occurs in the original which I am unable to trans 
late, namely, uscumj?. It reads literally, and another who was 
prefect* ,mX. tQoicj, whose name was Julian. 


Jews, and some Samaritans, and some Manichees, 
and the like ; and being a sensible man, he had 
these arrested, lest he should stir np a war against 
himself, by rousing the zeal of the Christians : 
and examining them with the scourge, he asked 
them, saying, Though the Christians are carried 
away with zeal for the welfare of Christianity, 
what right have you Jews, who are a set of 
murderers and misbelieving heretics, to take part 
in the riot, and mix yourselves up with them? 
And they all confessed, that seeing a great 
crowd, they had entered among them, in the 
hope that something might come to them in the 
way of plunder : and as they further confessed, 
they were ready to burn the churches, imagining 
that the Christians would be arrested, and put 
to the torture for it, while they would pass un 
recognised. They acknowledged also other crimes 
under the scourge; and some therefore he con 
demned to be crucified, and some to be put to 
death, and some he sent into banishment. And 
in this way no Christian could complain, or say 
that anybody was treated unjustly. But next 
he arrested some of the Christians, whom, how 
ever, he treated with the greatest clemency : and 
when they took them round the city to inspire 
others with fear, lest men should notice that 
there were no marks of the scourge on their 
sides, he gave orders for them to be rubbed with 
vermilion, that their loins might look red as if 
marked with the lash: and this especially was 
done in the case of young lads, of whom many 


\viM-e found to have taken part in the uproar, 
and some of whom even laughed when riding in 
the cars, and taken in procession round the city. 
At length there was a man arrested, and brought 
before the prefect, who said to him, Who and 
what are you? He answered, < A Christian and 
a storekeeper/ If you are a storekeeper/ said 
the prefect, what business had you to take part 
in the riot? why did you not remain in your 
shop, and keep quiet ? We give orders therefore 
for you to be scourged/ But as they were cany- 
ing him away to scourge him, he cried out, By 
the head and life of the king, if I am to be 
scourged for Christ s sake, do not inflict upon me 
only lashes and the scourge, but after this, by 
the life of king Tiberius, off with my head ! And 
when the prefect heard this, he was agitated, and 
said, This man wishes for martyrdom at my 
hands. Am I then such a Trajan? Loose him, 
and let him go/ And so he let him depart with 
out receiving a single blow. And proceeding to 
the king, he persuaded him to grant an indul 
gence or amnesty to the Christians, and com 
mand that no more should be arrested for their 
past riotous proceedings. And upon this the 
merciful king granted a pardon, and all arrests 

III. 33 . After all these things, his serene majesty Ti 
berius, with a view of shewing that he neither 
had nor would neglect any thing that was useful 
for the service of God, gave orders to all magis 
trates and senators to assemble together, in com- 


pany with all men of patrician rank, and the 
subconsuls, and those who hear the title of 
illustrious/ and the suhprefects of the city, and 
all members of the senate. The place appointed 
for their meeting was the prefect s court, and all 
the depositions relating to the heathen were to 
be read before them, both of cases in the east 
and in the west ; and whosoever was not present 
he gave orders that his girdle should be cut, and 
he should lose his office. In obedience to so 
strict a commandment they all met, and sat the 
whole day from morning till night fasting, and 
anxious; and upon the depositions being read, 
their first sentence was to condemn to death him 
of whom we have spoken before, Anatoli us, the 
governor and proprefect of Edessa. And accord 
ingly he was first tortured, and then cast to the 
wild beasts, and after being cruelly lacerated by 
them, he was torn from their claws, and fixed to 
a cross. But the other, named Theodore, who 
had been his yokefellow, and with him had 
served devils, according to all the works of hea 
thenism, after suffering long and cruel tortures, 
and confessing much, was reserved for fresh tor 
tures, and a fuller examination. For this pur 
pose he was sent back to the prison attached to 
the praetor s court, and there during the night 
he died ; or rather, as many thought, he killed 
himself, because the sentence of death was cer 
tain to be pronounced against- him. And as he 
had offered sacrifice to devils after being bap 
tized, sentence was still given against him, 


though dead, that his body should be burned. 
But as the natural feelings of humanity revolted 
at this, and many objected, the sentence was 
withdrawn, and he was ordered to be buried 
with the burial of an ass, and accordingly 
was dragged out of the city, and cast into a 
ditch. His execution was in addition to those 
two, a man and a woman, whom the mob 
burned ; but that man was the son of this Theo 
dore: and thus then they perished, and many 
more besides, already lying in prison, and whom 
they next proceeded to examine by torture : and 
others there were in Syria and Asia, and else 
where, after whom they sent emissaries, with 
orders to arrest them, and bring them to the 

III. 34. Upon this, fresh names began to pour in, and 
every day new arrests were made, and more and 
more involved in danger, until the prisons were 
all full : and even many of the clergy officiating 
in the churches were informed against, and con 
victed of many heathenish crimes, and the sen 
tence pronounced upon them was, that they 
should be cast to the wild beasts, and their 
bodies burnt with fire. And so they received 
here the punishment which they deserved ; and 
hereafter the dread Judge of righteousness alone 
knoweth what their sentence will be. And of 
the common people so many were named and 
arrested, that the judges appointed to examine 
them were unequal to the task, and finally their 
sittings were no longer held in the court of the 


prefect of the city, who himself had the reputa 
tion of entertaining heathen views, but were 
removed to the praetor s court, and subsequently 
to the public hall, and there the judges sat and 
gave sentence, until the death of king Tiberius. 
And when Maurice was established in his stead, 
he was conspicuous for the same zeal, and gave 
orders that all should be sought out and tried, 
who professed to be Christians, but really were 
guilty of idolatry. And so every day they were 
tried, and received the just reward of their deeds, 
both here and hereafter. 

The case of Gregory of Antioch was long de- V. 17. 
ferred ; for though the people of his city were all 
excited against him, and filled the streets with 
shouts of To the fire with this man : let the city 
have a Christian patriarch ; and the like ; yet 
because many great and notable men were in 
volved in the affair, it was hushed up, and put 
aside, and he remained in his see a stumbling- 
block to all the people. But after a time he 
made up his mind to present himself before the 
king, and prepared a great quantity of gold and 
silver, and numerous costly dresses of every kind, 
and such other matters as are useful for presents 
and gifts of honour, for the leading men in the 
senate : and in these things alone, it is said, 
his journey cost him many talents. And when 
he arrived at the capital, he glutted the whole 
senate with his presents, and every man and 
woman of rank ; and all the churchmen, who 
were angry at him because of the rumour of his 



being a heathen, he quieted and appeased by 
gifts: as also all the relatives of the patriarchy 
who, on hearing of his arrival, had refused to 
hold communion with him ; and as he was not 
open to bribes himself, those who were about 
him were prevailed upon to intercede, and per 
suade him, until finally he received him, as also 
did the king, Maurice, and all the senate, and 
treated him with much respect, and were on his 
side. And when men generally expected that the 
process against him would be entered into, and 
that he would not return to his throne, he was 
received at court, and having effected all that he 
desired, was sent away with great honour. And 
with the view of appeasing and quieting his peo 
ple, he asked the king s permission to build them 
a hippodrome ; and not only obtained it, but also 
the necessary supplies wherewith to erect this 
church of Satan, in which he himself was ready 
to be minister and perform all his pleasure, so 
that, as was said, he even took with him from 
the capital a troop of pantomimists. And this 
to many was a cause of laughter and ridicule 
and mockery, but to others of grief and sadness : 
for they said, Lo ! to this man the word of our 
Luke xiv. Lord belongs, which says, If the salt have lost its 
34< savour, wherewith shall it be salted? For hav 
ing been appointed head of the church of Christ, 
now, after all the troubles we have passed 
through, he has publicly shewn himself as the 

y The patriarch at this time was John the Faster. 


builder and establisher at Antioch of a church 
of Satan, in the erection of which he has con 
stantly interested himself, and been present, and 
untiring in his exertions. For so they said, in 
contempt and derision of his doings. 

This narrative relating to the heathen, and the 
establishment of the inquisition, by which the 
last traces of idol worship were violently sup 
pressed, leads our historian to mention one or 
two facts, more or less directly connected with 
them. Of these the 

First is the tragical fate of Eustochlus, who in. 35. 
had originally been bishop of Jerusalem ; but 
having distinguished himself by his eager zeal 
against the heathen, whom he detected in spite 
of their efforts at concealment, they framed 
against him charges of their own invention and 
false accusations ; and on his arrival at the 
capital, being tried before wicked judges, who 
were themselves heathens in disguise, he was 
iniquitously deprived of his bishopric. And on 
being deposed, he did not stoop to wander to and 
fro to canvass for his restoration, but went at 
once and obtained a cell in the holy house of 
Mar Sergius 2 , situated near the palace of Hor- 
misdas, and there remained during a period of 

z The emperor Justinian was saved in his youth from destruc 
tion by the appearance of the two saints Sergius and Bacchus to 
his predecessor Anastasius, who, in obedience to his holy moni 
tors, spared the youth s life. He, therefore, afterwards erected 

Q 2 


eighteen years, during which he was regarded by 
their majesties, and the chamberlains, and the 
w r hole senate, both men and women, as a right 
eous man ; and constantly they paid him visits 
of respect, as being an old man of venerable 
aspect, and lucid in his conversation and doc 
trine, and well practised in holy books. It hap 
pened, however, in the third year of the sole 
reign of the victorious king Tiberius, that Satan 
by night entered the heart of one of his servants, 
and he took up a silver candlestick that was 
burning before him, and raised it and struck 
him, and wounded him on the head. And on 
his exclaiming, Woe/ and saying, Why doest 
thou so, my brother? he returned and struck 
him again on the stomach with a spit, and so 
lacerated him that he died immediately. The 
lamentations raised by his other servants alarm 
ed the sentinels who were on guard below, 
and caused them to hurry up to the cell, where 
they endeavoured to arrest the murderer, but he 
drew his knife, and stabbed one of them, where 
upon another drew his sword, and struck him on 
the shoulder, and brought him down, and they 
were then able to overpower him. And imme 
diately there was a general commotion, and men 
in terror ran together from all quarters, to see 
this sad and alarming sight : and the news even 

numerous churches in their honour, and as he long resided in 
the palace of Hormisdas, and greatly increased its buildings, one 
of the largest of these edifices was erected within its precincts. 


reached the king, who was in the suburban 
palace situated in the Hebdomum a ; and at once, 
without delay, he ordered his retinue to accom 
pany him, and came to the city; and when he 
saw that he was dead, he lamented and wept 
like a woman for the husband of her youth, as 
also did the bystanders at a sight so full of 
horror. And the king commanded the murderer 
to be given over to the prefect of the city, that 
he might die by an ignominious and painful 
death ; and then immediately withdrew. The 
servant, therefore, was cast to the wild beasts, 
and after being lacerated and torn, his hands 
were cut off and then his feet : and his trunk, 
with the hands and feet, were then put into a 
boat, which was set on fire and floated out to sea 
till it sunk. And so he received the requital of 
his deeds, and that which is written was fulfilled 
in him, Woe to the wicked, the evil one: for Is. Hi. n. 
that which his hands have done shall be re 
quited him. 

The second subject mentioned in connection III. 36. 
with the heathen is John the Superintendant s 
mission to them in Asia, and especially the 
building of the great monastery in the moun- 

a The Hebdomum, also called Campus, was the open plain to 
the west of the city, and held, in the estimation of the people, 
the same place which the Campus Martius held at Rome. He- 
raclius surrounded it with a wall to protect it from the Avars, 
and made it the fourteenth region of the city. Various unsatis 
factory reasons for its name are given in Du Fresne, Const. 
Christ. 173. 


tains near Tralles, which was both the com 
mencement and the crowning proof of his suc 
cess. He was appointed teacher of the heathen 
in Justinian s time in the four provinces of Asia h , 
Caria, Phrygia, and Lydia ; and began his labours 
in the mountains which overhang Tralles, in the 
territory of which city alone he converted many 
thousands from the error of idol worship, and 
built for their use twenty-four churches, and 
four monasteries, all of which were entirely new. 
Of these the principal was erected upon the site 
of a famous idol temple built high up among the 
mountains, at a village called Derira, and as he 
had often been told by the older inhabitants, 
in the days of its prosperity no less than 
fifteen hundred temples, situated in the neigh 
bouring provinces, were subject to its authority, 
and every year, at a vast assembly held there, 
the regulations were fixed for the ensuing twelve 
month, and the order of the ministrations settled 
for the use of both priests and people. John, 
therefore, being directed by a divine mission, 
made this temple the first object of his attack, 
and having levelled it to its very foundations, he 
built this chief monastery, to which he gave the 
same name as the idol temple had held, on a 
strong site upon a lofty mountain in the centre 
of the new churches : and subsequently he erect 
ed the three other monasteries, one of which was 
situated still higher up among the mountains, 

h By Asia is signified the district immediately round Kplu-su -. 


and two in the valleys below; but all alike were 
subject to the authority of the monastery of 
Derira. And this, as the chief, he built very 
strongly, and of great extent, from ample funds 
supplied him by king Justinian, who also bore the 
expence of the other monasteries and churches. 
The king, moreover, published three imperial 
edicts, by which the chief monastery was in 
vested with authority over the others, and also 
over the new churches, with power to visit and 
teach them, and take oversight of them, and set 
tle their observances. But from the very first 
Satan had looked with an evil eye upon this mo 
nastery, and raised up against it many trials and 
strong opposition from all quarters. For the 
devils who used to dwell there in times past, 
and fatten upon the blood of the sacrifices of 
fered them, upon which they would settle in 
swarms like flies upon putrid ulcers, openly 
showed themselves, and contended with the 
builders. And when it was first begun they 
even went so far as to lay hold upon one of the 
masons who was in holy orders, and lifted him 
up in the air, and threw him down upon a rock 
below, from which he was dashed to one even 
more precipitous still further down ; while John 
and the other builders gazed in horror as they 
watched him fly along, and fall head foremost 
on his face, and roll down from cliff to cliff, till 
finally his fall was stopped by a rock in the 
river, which was not less than a thousand cubits 
below the place whence he was thrown. And as 


they watched his descent, and cried Kyrie elei- 
son, they felt sure that his brains must be beaten 
out, and scattered upon the rocks against which 
he was dashed, and that he would be torn limb 
from limb. They ran, therefore, with loud lamen 
tations to gather up though it were only the 
fragments of his bones, and give them burial: 
but on reaching the spot they found him whole, 
and in a sitting posture, and looking at them. 
And when they saw him alive, they were aston 
ished and full of joy, and gave thanks unto God, 
who had saved him from a bitter death by the 
machinations of these pestilent devils : nor had 
Christ permitted him to receive even a single 
bruise, or any other injury except the loss of 
some skin upon his face. And all who saw and 
heard it were in astonishment at the miracle 
which had been wrought by our Lord Jesus 

ill. 37. The year after the monastery of Derira was 
finished, which was the sixth year from its com 
mencement, the bishop of Tralles was stirred up 
by envy against it, and swore, saying, I will 
make that monastery of Derira part of the en 
dowment of my church, and will spend there 
all the hot summer season/ For even before he 
had a quarrel against John, and now started to 
thwart him at the court of Justinian. And on 
arriving there, he told him of the monastery, and 
prayed him to give orders that it might be made 
subject to his authority and rule, and that John 
might not have access to it. But the king said, 


I have not entered either your church or city 
without Christ s blessing, nor could I have ef 
fected what I have done unless the management 
and government had been intrusted to John : for 
you could not possibly have administered the 
church which you have just now unjustly claimed. 
What you want is to seize upon a monastery which 
belongs to me, and which was built with my 
knowledge and at my command. And then he 
commanded him not to quit the capital until 
after John s arrival. After a time, then, John 
came, and the king informed him of all that had 
been said to him by the bishop, and of his own 
reply, and further gave orders that John should 
go in person, and himself administer the affairs 
of the church of Tralles and of the bishop s own 
hospice there, and that the bishop should have 
no power to do anything whatsoever without first 
receiving his orders from John. And other trials 
too there were and difficulties, which Satan raised 
up against this monastery, and the twenty-four 
new churches which John had erected in its 
vicinity for the service of the heathen whom he 
had baptized and made Christians in the moun 
tainous districts of the city of Tralles : but God 
in His mercy brought to nought all the envy of 
the evil one, and established them vinto the glory 
of His name, so that they continue to flourish 
unto this day. 

Eutychius enjoyed the patriarchate after his III. 38, 
restoration for a period of four years and a half; 


and while full of threats of death against the 
orthodox party, and menacing them with terrible 
oaths, and saying, I will not leave one of them 
in this city, or in its suburbs, or in any other 
tow r n in my diocese; in the midst of his raging and 
threatening, his end suddenly overtook him, and 
he descended into his grave, and on that day all 
his imaginations perished, and came to an end, 
and all his threats and denunciations ceased. 
His errors in doctrine were numerous, as he both 
explained away the resurrection of the dead, and 
warred against the words, Thou That wast cru 
cified for us : and much more there was which 
ought to be inserted in the record of him, but 
which we from their length must entirely omit. 
rn - 39- Scarcely was Eutychius dead, upon the fifth 
day of the month Nisan, or April, before John the 
deacon was seized upon, that they might raise 
him to the vacant see. He had been pursebearer 
of John of Sirmin, the predecessor of Eutychius ; 
but after his death, had constantly dwelt in his 
cell in the great church as a Nazarite , and de 
voted himself to fasting and vigils. Him they 
now seized upon, but he would not even so much 
as hear the bare proposal of being raised to this 
princely dignity. On his refusal, king Tiberius 
gave orders that he should be brought by main 

c If we may believe Michaelis, these Nazarites were a monkish 
sect, who took a vow entirely to abstain from bread and wine ; 
and supposed that they kept this vow by having the consecration 
service of the Eucharist performed over it, by which means it be 
came flesh and blood. 


force to the palace, and there kept under close 
guard, while both he himself and the whole se 
nate pressed upon him the acceptance of the 
patriarchate, and finally, with great difficulty, 
prevailed over his scruples. But he protested, 
saying, I cannot alter or break my rule, and 
until three o clock in the afternoon I can give no 
one audience. And, in short, after many discus 
sions, he was finally elected, and they say that 
he made it his rule never to admit any one until 
three o clock, according to his former custom : 
and men wondered thereat, for, as was said, he 
lay the whole day upon his face and prayed, be 
ing reduced to a state of great infirmity, and as 
dry as a stick. 

The hangers on, meanwhile, of the patriarchal 
court, who had been accustomed in the days of 
Eutychius, under pretext of the faith, to fall like 
so many robbers upon orthodox and heretics 
alike, and plunder them of their goods, began, 
according to their wont, to beg of him to grant 
them his permission, as his predecessor had done, 
to enter into men s houses, and plunder them, 
and drag them off, and shut them up in prison. 
But he, on hearing their request, said, Depart, 
and sit quiet : for I will not permit you to go 
and fall upon men, and plunder them, whereby 
God and His holy church are blasphemed. And 
on their saying, Eutychius so commanded us ; 
he replied, 4 My orders are, that there be peace 
and quiet in my days. But if you make Euty 
chius your pretext, go to him for orders ; and if 


he bids you, you shall do it. Arid much more is 
recorded of him that is admirable, but we, from 
want of space, can admit but little into our 

II. 40. For the affairs of the empire also claim our 
attention, and especially what happened to Mon- 
dir, the son of Harith d , king of the Tayan Arabs, 
and of the accusation brought against him. For 
when Maurice was in the East, as commander of 
the forces, with the title of count, a convention 
was made with Mondir, king of the Arabs, that 
they should simultaneously invade the territory 
of the Persians. Accordingly they made a march 
of several days in company; but on arriving 
opposite Mesopotamia, in which country the ca 
pital of the Persian king is situated, they found 
the bridge destroyed, over which they had expect 
ed to pass in order to capture the city. And this 
led to a quarrel between them, because Maurice 
imagined that Mondir had given information to 
the Persians, upon receipt of which they had 
broken up the bridge. They returned, therefore, 
having accomplished nothing, but with feelings 
of mutual animosity and dislike : and both wrote 

d If Caussin de Perceval is right, of which however I am 
douhtful, John of Ephesus confounds here two Momlirs : it was 
not Mondir, son of Harith, the Ghassanide ally of Rome, and a 
Monophysite Christian, who played Maurice false, but Mondir IV, 
son of Mondir III, the heathen king of Hirah, and a vassal of 
Persia. As the subject is however too long for a note, I must 
refer the reader to the Dissertation appended to this book. 


to king Tiberius, complaining of the other s con 
duct, and he in vain used his utmost efforts to 
reconcile them. When, however, soon afterwards 
Maurice returned to the capital, he wickedly and 
harshly brought accusations against king Mon- 
dir ; on hearing which the king was filled with 
extreme indignation, and planned how best he 
could lay a trap for him, and cause him to be 
arrested, and brought to Constantinople. A 
means soon offered itself, in the presence at the 
capital of a Syrian curator, named Magnus, who 
was the friend and patron of Mondir, and on 
whom he depended to make his defence before 
the king : but wishing to curry favour with Ti 
berius, he said, If you give me your command, I 
will bring him here in chains. At this proposal 
the king was pleased, and gave him the wished- 
for commission; upon the receipt of which he 
proceeded to the East, to a town named Churin, 
which he had himself founded, and surrounded 
with a wall, and erected in it a church, the 
consecration of which he made his pretext for 
paying the town this visit : and he took the pa 
triarch of Antioch with him, that he might the 
better deceive Mondir, and prevail upon him to 
come. On arriving there, he sent a message to 
Mondir, saying, I have come hither for the con 
secration of this church, and had it not been 
for my being tired with the journey, I should 
have gone and paid my respects to you. But 
as I wish to see how you do, I beg of you at 
once to pay me a visit : but do not bring a large 


escort, for I wish you to stay with me several 
days, that we may enjoy one another s company; 
and as I should not wish you to be put to great 
expence by coming with a large army, T pray you 
bring only a few with you. 

III. 4 r. On receiving this missive, Mondir was greatly 
pleased ; and having the fullest confidence in 
Magnus, as his dear friend, he set out immedi 
ately without delay, attended by a very small 
escort, not having the slightest suspicion that 
any danger could befall him at his hands. And 
Magnus, anxious to conceal his wicked schemes, 
received him with a show of friendship, and gave 
orders for a great banquet to be prepared. He 
then said, Send away these people who have 
come with you/ But he replied, ; I have come, 
as you requested me, with but a small escort ; 
but on my return, I cannot travel without hav 
ing an armed force with me, even if it be but a 
small one. But he pressed the point, and said, 
Send them away ; and when you return, you 
can send for them, and they will come for you. 
And as Mondir was a man of considerable expe 
rience, the matter did not please him, and he 
began to be suspicious, and sent orders to his 
escort to remove but a slight distance from him, 
and await his coming. On their dismissal, Mag 
nus gave directions to the troops whom he had 
secretly with him, to hold themselves in readi 
ness, and the general he commanded to remain 
in his company. And when evening arrived, he 
said to Mondir, My lord Patrician, you have 


been accused before the king, and he has given 
orders for you to go to the capital, and make 
your defence there, and prove to him that no 
thing that is said against you is true/ But 
Mondir replied, After all the services which I 
have rendered the king, I do not think it right 
that accusations should be listened to against 
me. For I am one of the king s vassals, nor do 
I refuse to go and appear before him : but I can 
not possibly at this time break up my army ; for 
if I do, the Arabs, who hold allegiance to the 
Persians, will come, and take my wives and 
children prisoners, and carry off all that I have. 
But at this moment the Roman troops appeared 
in arms ; and Magnus angrily said to him, If 
you will not go of your own accord, I will throw 
you into chains, and mount you on an ass, and 
so send you. And when now the fraud was plain, 
and he saw that his friend had stripped him of his 
escort, and made him a prisoner, and delivered him 
up to a Roman army to guard him, he was dis 
tressed and broken hearted, like a lion of the wil 
derness shut up in a cage. And when his escort 
heard what had happened, they surrounded the 
fort, and prepared to set it on fire : but when the 
Romans shewed themselves, and made ready for 
battle, they withdrew ; and Mondir, accompanied 
by a strong guard, was removed from the fort, 
and arrived in safety at the capital. And on 
reaching it, the king gave orders that he should 
have the same dwelling set apart for his use, as 
on the previous occasion when he was at Con- 


stantinople, and an income assigned him : and so 
he remained there without being admitted to an 
audience, but had with him one wife, two sons, 
and a daughter. 

III. 42. At home Mondir had left four sons, the eldest 
of whom, named Noman, was a man of even 
greater intelligence, and more warlike spirit than 
his father; and with his brothers he assembled 
his forces, and fell upon Magnus fort, who had, 
however, himself returned to the capital ; and, 
excepting the people whom they either took cap 
tive or slew, and what they burnt, everything 
else they plundered and carried away, gold and 
silver, and brass and iron, dresses of wool and 
cotton ; corn, wine, and oil ; troops of baggage 
animals of all kinds, whatever fell into their 
hands, and herds of oxen, and all their flocks 
of sheep and goats. And from thence the hosts 
of the Arabs overran and plundered the whole 
country of Arabia and Syria, and the neighbour 
ing regions, and gathered immense wealth and 
booty without end : and retiring into the heart 
of the desert, they there pitched their tents in 
great numbers, and divided the spoil, being con 
stantly on their guard and ready for war, and on 
the watch on all sides. And then sallying out 
again, they plundered and spoiled, and withdrew 
into the desert, until the whole country of the 
East to the shores of the Mediterranean was in 
terror at them, and fled for refuge to the cities, 
and did not dare show themselves before them. 
And w r hen the princes of the land, and the com- 


manders of the Roman troops sent to them, say 
ing, Why do ye all these evils? they sent back 
the question, Why did your king lead our father 
into captivity, after all the labours, and victories, 
and feats of valour which he had bravely wrought 
for him, and has also cut off our supplies of corn, 
so that we have not the means of living ? This 
is the reason why we are compelled to do these 
things, and you ought to be well contented that 
we do not kill you, and destroy everything with 
fire. And finally, they went against the city of 
Bostra, and blockaded it, and said, Surrender to 
us our father s armour, and all the other royal 
property which we deposited with you : and if 
not, we will root up and burn and slay every 
thing which we can both in your city and your 
land. And when the commandant, who was a 
man of note and fame, heard these things, he 
was very angry, and gathered his troops together, 
and sallied out, despising them as roving Arabs : 
and they set themselves in array against him, 
and overpowered and slew both him and large 
numbers of his men. And when the citizens 
saw it, they were terrified, and sent out to them, 
begging them to desist from pillage, and we, said 
they, will give up what belongs to you, and take 
it in peace. And so they brought out to them 
their father s property, upon the receipt of which 
they retired to their encampment in the desert ; 
but still for a long time they continued to spoil 
and plunder all the country round about. 

When the news reached Tiberius of the active ill. 43. 



vengeance of the sons of Mondir, he was greatly 
annoyed, and gave Magnus orders to proceed im 
mediately to the East, and use his endeavours to 
place a brother of Mondir upon the throne of the 
Arabs in the stead of their rightful chief: and if 
further he could get Mondir s sons into his power, 
whether by fraud, or by blandishments and flat 
teries, or by war, he was to seize them. And to 
support him in these measures, the civil and mi 
litary governors of the cities in the East received 
orders to accompany him with a large force. He 
entered therefore upon his mission with great 
pomp, and was so far successful as to make Mon 
dir s brother king ; but ten days after death over 
took him, and deprived him of the power of com 
mitting any further frauds. 

The unfortunate loss of thirteen chapters of the 
manuscript leaves us in ignorance of the manner 
of his death, and of the subsequent fortunes of 
Mondir, except so far as we can gather them* 
from the headings prefixed to the third book. 
We learn there, that three other chapters were 
occupied with Mondir s history, giving an account 
of his imprisonment, and his being finally sent 
into exile into a distant country, whither he was 
accompanied by one of his chiefs named Sergius, 
a believer ; and that his son Noman subsequently 
came to the capital, but for what reason is not 
stated. We further learn, that the orthodox en 
joyed a time of peace and quiet after the death 
of Eutychius ; but in common with all the people 


of the capital, suffered first from a famine, which 
unexpectedly visited the city, and subsequently 
from a terrible mortality, which Avas especially 
fatal to children. These lost chapters also con 
tained an account of the death of Tiberius e , and 
of his plan for bringing about the unity of the 
church: and further mention the hostility of his 
wife to the orthodox, ascribed to her want of 
knowledge of the true nature of their doctrines. 
A chapter is also devoted to the three queens, 
who, after Tiberius death, all inhabited the same 
palace. Further, there was an account of John 
the Faster, who succeeded Eutychius as patriarch, 
and of the gentleness of his character, and great 
liberality : and, finally, of his endeavours to sup 
press the heathens. The first five chapters of the 
fourth book are also lost : and as the table of 
contents has perished with them, we are left in 
entire ignorance of their nature. 

e Theodosius Melitenus says that he was murdered by means 
of a dish of early and very fine mulberries which had been poi 
soned (7T((f)app.ayfji.eva). 

11 2 





THE interest taken by our author in Mondir, son of Harith, 
arose chiefly from his being a Monophysite, and not only did the 
oppressed members of the party find a hospitable retreat at his 
court, but his services were always ready to intercede in their 
behalf. As, however, his statement differs considerably from the 
conclusions of M. Caussin de Perceval, it is necessary to enter at 
some little length into the history of the Arab courts of Hirah 
and Ghassan. 

The Arabs of Syria and Mesopotamia played, during the fifth 
and sixth centuries, a very important part in the constant wars 
between the rival empires of Persia and Rome. Their religious 
differences, however, divided them into two parties, which the 
diplomacy of the Greek emperors managed generally to engage 
in mutual feuds. Of these two divisions, the more powerful 
family of Hirah followed the fortunes of Persia, while the Ghas- 
sanide princes combatted on behalf of Rome. 

According to the Arabic authorities of M. Caussin de Perceval 
it was Jfondir IV, son of Mondir III, who in 576 went to Rome, 
and agreed to join his arms with Maurice to oppose his former 
suzerain Khosrun Nushirwan, whose power had been broken at 
the battle of Melitene. In 580 he returned loaded with presents 
by Tiberius, and joined Maurice, who had passed the Euphrates 
at Circesium, and intended to strike the Persian capital, Ctesi- 
phon, itself. His course lay through the deserts of Mesopotamia, 
inhabited by warlike tribes, more or less in subjection to Mondir; 


but the latter had changed his mind, and sending a fleet courier 
to Hormizdas, the son of Khosrun, informed him of the designed 
attack : and was confirmed as his reward in the kingdom of 
Hirah in opposition to his bi others. 

According to the Arabic authorities he was killed shortly 
afterwards at Ayn Obagh by the Ghassanide Arabs ; but the 
Greek writers assert that he was only taken prisoner there and 
sent to Constantinople, whence he was banished by Maurice to 
Sicily. Of the treason employed by Magnus no record is found 
in either Greek or Arabic writers. 

In the account of M. de Perceval, Mondir was succeeded by a 
son of that name, whose fortunes occupy a considerable space in 
the narratives of Arabic historians : whereas John of Ephesus 
says that Magnus succeeded in placing, not his son Noman, but 
a brother of Mondir upon the vacant throne. Before settling 
the question between the two authorities, it may be expedient to 
give some account of the two dynasties. 

The word Hirah signifies a Camp, and its origin is ascribed to 
a Himyarite king, who left a division of his forces encamped 
there while pushing his conquests in central Asia. It was situ 
ated about three miles from the site subsequently occupied by 
Cufa ; and it seems probable that a branch of the Euphrates 
flowed near it, while in its rear was the desert. Its date is of un 
certain antiquity, but it certainly existed in A. D. 205, as it was 
then conquered by the Arsacide Sapor, i. e. Schah-pour, * the 
king s son. 

Its prosperity, however, commenced about A. D. 272, when, 
upon the fall of Zenobia, the Arabs of Hirah contrived to reduce 
under their dominion several of the tribes of Mesopotamia who 
had previously obeyed her. And we still find in John s history 
the Mesopotamian Arabs obeying the princes of Hirah, as vassals 
of the Persian king. 

Christianity probably was soon partially received there, but it 
made no rapid progress until the reign of Noman. In his time, 
about A. D. 410, the fame of Simon Stylites caused numerous 
Arabs to wander to his pillar in Syria, and Noman, fearing they 
might be won over to the Roman side, forbade these pilgrimages. 


The saint, however, attended by two acolytes, appeared to him in 
a dream, rebuked him severely, and ordered the acolytes to 
scourge him. The dream was so vivid, that upon awaking in the 
morning he found himself covered with the marks of their blows, 
and being thus divinely warned, he revoked the edict, and gave 
free permission to the Christians to build churches, and perform 
the rites of worship in his dominions. 

Cosmas, who details this story (Ass. B. 0. i. 247 \ says that 
he had it from a Roman governor Antiochus, who was told it by 
Noman himself, when the latter, in a time of peace, being near 
Damascus, invited Antiochus to dine with him ; and after many 
inquiries concerning Simon Stylites, informed him at length of 
the reason which prompted his curiosity. 

It is further added, that he became himself a Christian ; and 
this is confirmed by the story told by Arabic writers, that when 
walking one day on the roof of his palace admiring the splendour 
of his city, and the beauty of the neighbouring country, the 
thought that he must soon abandon it to another, struck him 
so forcibly with the uncertainty of all human things, that he de 
scended, changed his garments, and retired into the desert, where 
he spent the remainder of his life in meditation. 

The most powerful monarch of Hirah was Mondir III, father of 
the supposed false ally of Maurice. Of him M. Perceval gives abun 
dant proof that he was not a Christian, and that Christianity had 
really made very little progress among his people ; and the same 
would follow from his constant wars with the Romans. During 
a reign of nearly fifty years the life of this prince was spent in 
ceaseless battle. Restless and indefatigable, at one time falling 
suddenly upon his personal enemies, at another ravaging the Ro 
man territories far and wide, he did not even tear to give battle 
to Belisarius, and came off undefeated. In Theophanes he ap 
pears as the AXa/iouvSapos who ransacked the suburbs of Antioch, 
and penetrated to Chalcedon ; and his advice to the Persian mon 
arch, after the defeat of Dara, was to leave Mesopotamia and 
the military confines alone, and strike at the peaceful centres of 
the Roman dominions. His whole life and character is a picture 
of that Arab activity, already forecasting the empire of the world. 


and destined so soon to gain the ascendant over the two ex 
hausted kingdoms of Persia and Rome. 

It excites no wonder that Justinian bought peace of such a 
chieftain at the price of an annual subsidy. But the death of his 
son Arnru, (whose murder by a poet of the same name, for an in 
sult to his mother, forms so celebrated a subject in Arabic litera 
ture,) led to family feuds : and the rapid succession of Noman 
IV, Cabus, and finally of the Mondir, to whom M. de Perceval 
assigns the treachery complained of so bitterly by Maurice, weak 
ened the power of Hirah ; and, after becoming a Persian satrapy, 
it finally fell before the arms of Khalid, general of the Caliph 
Abu-beer, and was merged in the empire of Islam. 

Except Mondir IV, the princes of Hirah were the constant 
enemies of Rome : but the case is far different with the Ghassa- 
nides. Of their origin little is known, but about the time of 
Constantine they embraced Christianity, and became therefore 
the allies of Rome. One, however, of their sovereigns, the queen 
Mawia, broke the alliance, and fought so successfully against her 
former friends, that Valens, circa A. D. 377, was obliged to sue 
for peace : upon which she assisted him bravely against the 
Goths. Their history henceforward is without interest until the 
time of Harith (Aretas), whose son Mondir is the prince spoken 
of by our author. 

Harith reigned from A. D. 530 to A. D. 572, and is the person 
described by the Byzantine historians as Aretas, king of the 
Christian Arabs. In Asseman s Bibl. Or. his name frequently 
occurs, and, as in our author, in connection with Sergius and 
Paul, the two first Jacobite patriarchs. In spite of his Mono- 
physite creed, Justinian honoured him with the titles of patrician 
and king, on account of his valuable services to the Roman em 
pire in holding the kings of Hirah in check. His troops fought 
under Belisarius at the battle of Callinicus against Mondir III, 
and soon after he endeavoured single handed to avenge the 
Roman general s check, but was so utterly defeated that Justi 
nian had to interfere to save him from ruin. Again, in 541, he 
joined Belisarius in an invasion of Persia, but the plundering 
propensities of his men ruined the whole expedition. In spite 


of the disgrace into which he fell at Rome on this account, he 
nevertheless gradually increased in power, and earned among the 
Arabs the title of the Magnificent : and in 562 we find him in 
person at Constantinople, to obtain from the Roman emperor, 
Justinian, the confirmation of his son in his dominions ; and the 
title given him by Theophanes, who records his visit, is, ApeVos- 
6 jraTpiKios KCU (frvXapxos TWV 2apaKqi>a>i> . Really it is his son Mon- 
dir, and not Mondir of Hirah, to whom our author so frequently 
refers in his narrative. 

The last king of Ghassan, Jabala, after a defeat, embraced 
Islamism, and submitted to the caliph Omar in A. D. 637. 

Now it is exceedingly probable that M. de Perceval may have 
interchanged the two Mondirs, as his Arabic authorities are so 
confused that it is scarcely possible to draw out of them a con 
nected narrative : and besides, they are many centuries subse 
quent to the times of which they write. The arms of Islam had 
obliterated all traces of the kingdoms of Hirah and Ghassan, 
and powerful cities had grown up on their sites hundreds 
of years before the princely Abbassides called forth a crowd of 
Arabic writers to chronicle the past exploits of their race : and 
of these, most felt no interest in any thing which occurred before 
the birth of the prophet. While in his Greek authorities there 
is nothing to decide which Mondir it was who was banished to 

But it is quite incredible that John of Ephesus, a con 
temporary writer, could have confounded the two chiefs. For 
he was the personal friend of the man of whom he wrote, and 
looked up to him as the hereditary patron of his party in 
the East. He had returned moreover to Constantinople from 
his banishment two years before Mondir s departure from that 
city upon his first visit, and narrates his efforts to reconcile 
the Monophysites themselves, rent into parties by the quar 
rel between the patriarch Paul, and Jacob Zanzalus : and also 
his intercession with Tiberius in their behalf, and his success 
ful attempt to put an end to the persecution of his friends by 
Eutychius, and the bishops in the East. He was too at Con 
stantinople when his friend was brought there as a prisoner, and 


probably had his account from one of his suite. Moreover, the 
very plea on which Magnus allured him into his power, namely, 
the consecration of a church, shows that he was a Christian, 
whereas Mondir IV. of Hirah was a heathen : nor would he 
have fallen so unsuspiciously into the hands of the Romans, as 
for centuries his family had been at war with them, and conse 
quently had neither friends nor patrons there, nor any such in 
timacy as lulled the other Mondir s fears. And besides, John 
says that Magnus succeeded in placing Mondir s brother upon 
the throne, in the place of Noman his son : and accordingly 
M. de Perceval makes Mondir, son of Harith, to be succeeded by 
his brother Jabala, whereas Mondir of Hirah was succeeded by 
his son Noman. John s narrative further explains also the un 
accountable disappearance of Mondir, son of Harith, from the 
Arabic histories, whereas Mondir of Hirah was slain, they say, at 
Ayn Obagh. 

And, in short, if, as Dr. Land thinks, John of Ephesus really 
confounded the two Mondirs, and describes a heathen as allured 
to the consecration of a church, and the pleasure of meeting the 
patriarch of Antioch, and tells moreover a story, every part of 
which is applicable to the Ghassanide Prince, and no part to the 
Lakhmite at Hirah, he will have been guilty, not merely of stu 
pidity, but of an amount of wilful misrepresentation and inven 
tion, which will throw complete discredit upon every part of his 



THE loss of most of the first five chapters of the 
fourth book of John s history has deprived us of 
the prefatory matter respecting the persons em 
ployed in the mission for the conversion of Nu 
bia, and probably of several details respecting the 
church of Alexandria, which had long been the 
head quarters of the Monophysites ; as also con 
cerning its patriarch Theodosius, who was de 
posed for belonging to this heresy, but survived 
for a period of rather more than thirty-one years, 
IV. 5. during which he still administered the affairs of 
his party, and directed the consecration of new 
priests and bishops, as occasion required. In the 
discharge of these duties he was subsequently 
joined by Paul, patriarch of Antioch, whose for 
tunes and flight to the court of Harith, father of 
Mondir, have been detailed above. In the latter 
years, however, of Theodosius life, as on account 
of his great age and feebleness he was unable to 
stand at the consecration of the Eucharist, a 
priest, named Longinus, was appointed, at his 
request, to officiate in his stead, and did so 
during the rest of his life. And it was this Lon 
ginus who was finally appointed by him bishop 
of the Nobadse a , upon their conversion to Christi 
anity, under the following circumstances ; 

a Procopius de bello Peraico, i. 19, tells us that the Nobata> 


Among the clergy in attendance upon popeTheo- IV. 6 
dosius, was a presbyter named Julianus, an old 
man of great worth, who conceived an earnest spi 
ritual desire to christianize the wandering people 
who dwell on the eastern borders of the Thebais 
beyond Egypt, and who are not only not subject to 
the authority of the Roman empire, but even re 
ceive a subsidy on condition that they do not enter 
nor pillage Egypt. The blessed Julianus, there 
fore, being full of anxiety for this people, went 
and spoke about them to the late queen Theo 
dora 1 , in the hope of awakening in her a similar 
desire for their conversion ; and as the queen 
was fervent in zeal for God, she received the 
proposal with joy, and promised to do every 
thing in her power for the conversion of these 
tribes from the errors of idolatry. In her joj^, 
therefore, she informed the victorious king Jus 
tinian of the purposed undertaking, and pro 
mised and anxiously desired to send the bless 
ed Julian thither. But when the king heard 
that the person she intended to send was op 
posed to the council of Chalcedon, he was not 
pleased, and determined to write to the bishops 
of his own side in the Thebais, with orders for 

dwelt beyond Elephantine, on the banks of the Nile, but the 
Blemyes inland : and he adds, that Diocletian had greatly in 
creased their territories, and given them an annual subsidy on 
condition that they should protect the Roman borders from 

b Bar-hebrseus says that at this time Theodosius was dwelling 
at Constantinople. Of. Assem. Bib. Or. ii. 330. 


them to proceed thither and instruct them, and 
plant among them the name of the synod. And 
as he entered upon the matter with great zeal, 
he sent thither, without a moment s delay, am 
bassadors with gold and baptismal robes, and gifts 
of honour for the king of that people, and letters 
for the duke of the Thebais, enjoining him to 
take every care of the embassy, and escort them 
to the territories of the Nobadse. When, how 
ever, the queen learnt these things, she quickly, 
with much cunning, wrote letters to the duke of 
the Thebais, and sent a mandatory of her court 
to carry them to him ; and which were as fol 
lows : Inasmuch as both his majesty and myself 
have purposed to send an embassy to the people 
of the Nobadse, and I am now despatching a 
blessed man named Julian ; and further my will 
is, that my ambassador should arrive at the 
aforesaid people before his majesty s ; be warned, 
that if you permit his ambassador to arrive there 
before mine, and do not hinder him by various 
pretexts until mine shall have reached you, and 
have passed through your province, and arrived 
at his destination, your life shall answer for it ; 
for I will immediately send and take off your 
head/ Soon after the receipt of this letter the 
king s ambassador also came, and the duke said 
to him, You must wait a little, while we look 
out and procure beasts of burden, and men who 
know the deserts; and then you will be able to 
proceed. And thus he delayed him until the 
arrival of the merciful queen s embassy, who 


found horses and guides in waiting, and the 
same day, without loss of time, under a show of 
doing it by violence, they laid hands upon them, 
and were the first to proceed. As for the duke, 
he made his excuses to the king s ambassador, 
saying, Lo ! when I had made my preparations, 
and was desirous of sending you onward, ambas 
sadors from the queen arrived, and fell upon me 
with violence, and took away the beasts of bur 
den I had got ready, and have passed onward. 
And I am too well acquainted with the fear in 
which the queen is held, to venture to oppose 
them. But abide still with me, until I can make 
fresh preparations for you, and then you also 
shall go in peace/ And when he heard these 
things, he rent his garments, and threatened him 
terribly, and reviled him ; and after some time 
he also was able to proceed, and followed the 
other s track, without being aware of the fraud 
which had been practised upon him. 

The blessed Julian, meanwhile, and the ambas- IV. 7. 
sadors who accompanied him, had arrived at the 
confines of the Nobadse, whence they sent to the 
king and his princes, informing him of their com 
ing : upon which an armed escort set out, who 
received them joyfully, and brought them into 
their land unto the king. And he too received 
them with pleasure, and her majesty s letter was 
presented, and read to him, and the purport of it 
explained. They accepted also the magnificent 
honours sent them, and the numerous baptismal 
robes, and every thing else richly provided for 


their use. And immediately with joy they yield 
ed themselves up, and utterly abjured the error 
of their forefathers^ and confessed the God of the 
Christians, saying, that He is the one true God, 
and there is no other beside Him. And after 
Julian had given them much instruction, and 
taught them, he further told them about the 
council of Chalcedon, saying, that inasmuch as 
certain disputes have sprung up among Christ 
ians touching the faith ; and the blessed Theodo- 
sius being required to receive the council, and 
having refused, was ejected by the king from his 
throne, whereas the queen received him and re 
joiced in him, because he stood firm in the right 
faith, and left his throne for its sake : on this 
account her majesty has sent us to you, that ye 
also may walk in the ways of pope Theodosius, 
and stand in his faith, and imitate his constancy. 
And moreover the king has sent unto you am 
bassadors, who already are on their way in our 
footsteps/ They then instructed them how they 
should receive them, and what answer they 
should give : and when every thing was fully 
settled, the king s ambassador also arrived. And 
when he had obtained an audience, he also gave 
the king the letters and presents, and began to 
inform and tell him, according to his instruc 
tions, as follows : The king of the Romans has 
sent us to you, that in case of your becoming 
Christians, you may cleave to the church and 
those who govern it, and not be led astray after 
those who have been expelled from it. And 


when the king of the Nobadse and his princes 
heard these things, they answered them, saying, 
The honourable present which the king of the 
Romans has sent us we accept, and will also our 
selves send him a present. But his faith we w r ill 
not accept : for if we consent to become Christ 
ians, we shall walk after the example of pope 
Theodosius, who, because he was not willing to 
accept the wicked faith of the king, was driven 
away by him and expelled from his church. If, 
therefore, we abandon our heathenism and er 
rors, we cannot consent to fall into the wicked 
faith professed by the king. In this manner 
then they sent the king s messengers away, with 
a written answer to the same effect. As for the 
blessed Julian, he remained with them for two 
years, though suffering greatly from the extreme 
heat. For he used to say that from nine o clock 
until four in the afternoon he was obliged to 
take refuge in caverns, full of water, where he 
sat undressed and girt with a linen garment, 
such as the people of the country wear. And if 
he left the water his skin, he said, was blistered 
by the heat. Nevertheless, he endured it pati 
ently, and taught them, and baptized both the 
king and his nobles, and much people also. He 
had with him also a bishop from the Thebals, an 
old man, named Theodore , and after giving 
them instruction and setting things in order, he 

c Curiously enough, traces remain of bishop Theodore of 
Phyle in some inscriptions discovered by M. Gau, and which are 
given in the Appendix. 


delivered them over to his charge, and himself 
departed, and arrived in safety at Constanti 
nople, where he was most honourably received 
by the queen. And to her he related many won 
derful particulars concerning that numerous 
people, but they are too long for us to write, 
nor can we spare space for more than we have 
already inserted. 

IV. 8. The chief charge of the new converts was 
vested in Theodosius, as being patriarch of Alex 
andria ; nor were they forgotten by him : for on 
the very day of his departure from this world he 
had them in his memory, and especially because 
the blessed Julian their teacher had died but a 
very short time before, and also because her late 
majesty, the queen Theodora, had given orders 
that the excellent Longinus should be made 
bishop there, as being an earnest man admirably 
adapted to convert and establish them in the 
doctrines of Christianity. Immediately therefore 
after the pope s decease, Longinus was consecrated 
bishop of those parts, and made ready to proceed 
thither. But scarcely had he embarked his goods 
on board ship, when men were found, such as 
Psalm those of whom it is written, that their teeth are 
ivn. 4. S p ears an( j arrows, and their tongue a sharp 
sword/ who went and told the king, that Lon 
ginus, the enemy of our palace, has been made 
bishop, and has embarked his goods on board 
ship, ready to start. And should he go, for he is 
a passionate man, and arrive among that people 
in safety, he will immediately stir them up to 


make war upon and pillage the territory of the 
Romans. Give orders therefore for his immediate 
arrest/ When the king heard these things, he 
was stirred up to anger, and gave orders for his 
arrest, and had his baggage removed from the 
vessel. Thus then he was not permitted to de 
part, and three years passed by, during which he 
was waiting for an opportunity; and finally, as 
he was aware that he was watched, and would 
not be permitted to leave, he disguised himself, 
and put a wig on his head, for he was very 
bald; and taking with him two servants, he 
fled, and God delivered him, and caused him to 
arrive in safety at that land. And there he was 
magnificently received, and great joy testified at 
his coming: and immediately he began to in 
struct them afresh, and enlighten them, and 
teach them. And next he built them a church, 
and ordained clergy, and taught them the order 
of divine service, and all the ordinances of 
Christianity. But when the king heard of his 
flight he was very angry, and gave directions 
that the ferries over the sea should be all 
occupied, and the roads watched, and letters 
written to the provinces; but all proved to no 
purpose. Longinus meanwhile prevailed upon 
the king of that people to send an ambassador 
to the king of the Romans with presents, and 
gifts of honour. And on his arrival, he had an 
audience, and was honourably received in the 
presence of myself and the rest of the court, and 
spake highly of Longinus, saying, Though we 



were Christians in name, yet we did not really 
know what Christianity was until Longinus came 
to us/ And much more he related, greatly to his 
honour; but the king retained a bitter feeling 
against him, though he said nothing. 
IV. 9. After Longinus had passed a space of five 
years, more or less, in Nubia, Satan, who envies 
everything that is good, contrived a device for 
driving him away from thence, and producing by 
his means ruin and schism and disruption in the 
church. He stirred up therefore Theodosius, the 
archpresbyter of the clergy at Alexandria, and 
Theodore, his sister s son, who held the office of 
archdeacon, to write letters to him, inviting him 
to quit Nubia, and journey to the suburbs of 
Alexandria to consecrate for them a pope, and so 
benefit the church an act which was the begin 
ning of much mischief and schism. When then 
Longinus received these letters, he was stirred 
up, and burnt with earnest zeal; and, despising 
all danger of death, began to make preparations 
for his journey, and for fulfilling what was en 
joined in the letters. But when the king and his 
nobles learnt these things, they assembled, and 
tried to prevent him from leaving them. But he 
shewed them the letters, saying, The business 
for which I am commanded to set out upon this 
journey is one for the common good of the whole 
church, and I cannot therefore refuse to go. And 
they still tried to prevail upon him, and lamented 
and wept, saying, Once again, as before your ar 
rival, we shall be left like orphans without a fa- 


ther/ But finally, with much sorrow and bitter 
lamentation, they let him go, and provided him 
with means for his journey. He started therefore, 
and went first to Theodore, the venerable bishop 
of Philse, in the further Thebais, and shewed him 
the letters, and took counsel with him as to what 
was therein written, requesting him, if it were 
possible, to accompany him on his journey. But 
he could not, from his extreme old age; for it 
was now nearly fifty years since he had been 
made a bishop by Timotheus d , the predecessor of 
the blessed Theodosius : nevertheless he entirely 
agreed with the purport of the letters, and drew 
up a mandate appointing Longinus to act as his 
proxy, arid certifying his consent to whatever he 
did. Thus encouraged, Longinus proceeded on his 
journey, and arrived at the place in the Mareotis 
indicated to him in the letters ; and now it be 
came a matter of deliberation what he should 
do next, for he was alarmed and afraid, lest the 
news should get abroad of his having entered the 
Roman territories after escaping from surveil 
lance, and orders be given for his arrest ; in 
which case he would die a painful death : and at 
this his heart was terrified. 

Now it so chanced that about this time two IV. 10. 
bishops, John of the monastery of Marbas, and 
George Eurtoyo e , of whom the latter had just 

d This was Timothy III, pope of Alexandria from A. D. 518 
to 535. Like most of the clergy arid people of Egypt, he was a 

e This is possibly the person mentioned in Ass. B. O. ii. 63. 



been consecrated, but not yet permitted to per 
form episcopal functions, had been sent by the 
synod of the East to Longinus, and to the above- 
named Theodore of Finite, to consult them re 
specting the reception of Paul f , patriarch of 
Antioch, into the church after his temptation 
and flight ; and to learn whether they consented 
to admit him once again to communion and 
union. While, however, they were making their 
preparations to proceed up the Nile on their 
journey, they learnt that Longinus had left his 

f It may not be without its use to compare the full account of 
Paul as related by our historian with the compendium given by 
Asseman, as we thus learn how different a complexion is given to 
history by the filling up of the outlines. His narrative, B. O. ii. 
331, is as follows: Paul of Alexandria, after putting on the 
monkish dress, was for some time with Theodosius, the patriarch 
there : but after the death of Sergius, being ordained patriarch 
of Antioch by Jacob Burdoho and two others, he was driven away 
from Egypt by Athanasius, Theodora s grandson, for endeavour 
ing to obtain the patriarchate of Alexandria, and fled to Harith, 
king of the Arabs. Thence having gone to Byzantium, he was 
prevailed upon by the Emperor s services to embrace the council 
of Chalcedon. But on his return to Syria, he sent in a petition 
to Jacob Burdoho, begging to be received back into the Mono- 
physite communion ; and his request being supported by the 
prayer of Mondir, the son of Harith, Jacob admitted him on 
ejuring the true religion. The nature of the Emperor s good 
services we have seen before, and it is a proof of the strictness of 
discipline then enforced that so much difficulty should have been 
experienced by Paul in obtaining readmission to his own party, 
after a submission extorted by such violent means : and it also 
explains the patience with which men like Stephan of Cyprus, 
after being flogged into communion with the church, abode by 
tin- step they had taken. 


see, and come down to Egypt : and following in 
his track, as hearsay guided them, they at length 
found him in Libya, outside Alexandria, in a 
place called Mareotis. And he received them 
with joy, and on reading their letters, he was 
glad, and said, < God has happily brought you 
hither, chiefly that you may give us a helping 
hand in the establishment of the church. For 
this is the purpose for which I also, being in 
vited by letter, have travelled to this place from 
a distant land, in order that there may be a 
patriarch of Alexandria/ And they said, * But 
how can we make a patriarch without the com 
mand of our own patriarch ? If therefore this is 
your wish, let him by all means be found, for he 
is not far off; and we will go and bring him/ 
After much discussion, therefore, they went and 
brought into Libya Paul the patriarch from some 
place, as was said, in the neighbourhood, where 
he was dwelling disguised as a Roman. And on 
their return, they found Longinus actively en 
gaged in going from place to place in search of a 
fit person for the office of archbishop. And on 
joining him, they travelled in his company to the 
desert of the hermits, beyond the blessed Mar 
Minas s, to a place called Rhamnis; and they 

S In Quatremere s Memoires sur 1 Sgypte, i. 489, a description 
is given of the church of St. Minas, taken from an Arabic MS., 
which well illustrates the magnificence to which the hermits 
in the Nitrian desert had attained. According to this account, 
the church of St. Minas was a vast building decorated with statues 
and paintings of great beauty : wax tapers burnt therein day and 


found the abbot there to be a most excellent 
man, named Theodore, by birth a Syrian ; and to 
him they addressed themselves, begging him to 
yield himself up, and consent to be made pope 
of Alexandria. But he, on hearing the proposal, 
was terrified, and refused, and fled from it, even 
taking solemn oaths, and condemning himself 
utterly, should he consent : but on their threat 
ening him with excommunication if he persist 
ed in his refusal, he was forced by violence, 
against his will, weeping and lamenting, to con 
sent to their request: and thereupon, Longinus 

night without interruption. At one end was a massive tomb, 
with two camels sculptured in marble, on which a man stood up 
right, with his feet resting upon the camels backs. He held one 
hand open, and one closed. This figure, which was also of marble, 
represented, they said, St. Minas. In the same church were the sta 
tues of John, Zacharias, and of Jesus, placed inside a vast colon 
nade of marble, situated on the right-hand side of the entrance : 
and in front of them was a gate kept constantly closed. There were 
also the statues of the prophets, and of the Virgin Mary, con 
cealed from view by two curtains. On the exterior of the edifice 
were statues representing all sorts of animals, and men of all pro 
fessions : among them a slave-merchant, with a purse in his hand 
with the bottom out. In the centre of the church was a dome, un 
derneath which were eight statues, representing, if what they said 
is true, the angels. The land round the church was planted with a 
multitude of fruit trees, especially almonds arid carob trees, the 
fruit of which being sweet and sugary, was used in making sirops. 
There were also numerous vines, the grapes and wine from which 
were exported into Egypt. The author subsequently adds, that 
the town of Fostat every year sent a thousand dinars to main 
tain the church. 

In this desert, called also Scetis, and Scctc, the monkish popu- 


and the two other bishops consecrated him, Paul, 
as they affirmed on oath, not being near, nor 
taking part in his ordination, because at present 
he was not absolved from his fall, nor admitted 
back into communion. But though unable to 
take part in any other way in his ordination, he 
subsequently gave it his approbation, and re 
ceived him, and communicated with him, and, as 
was said, they even addressed a synodical letter 
to one another, as patriarchs respectively of An- 
tioch and Alexandria. And when now all ima 
gined that, in accordance with the canons, they 
had performed a great work for the union and 
establishment of the church of Syria and Alex- 

lation was so dense, that seventy thousand, with their staves in 
their hands, are said to have met Amrou-ben-el-as, on his return 
from Alexandria, to beg him to take them under his protection : 
which he did, and granted them moreover a yearly allowance of 
five thousand ardebs of corn levied on Lower Egypt. 

On the mountain of Nitria itself, in the early ages of Christ 
ianity, there were nearly fifty monasteries, besides fifteen hundred 
hermits, subject to the authority of a superior. They did not, 
however, all follow the same mode of life, but might either dwell 
absolutely alone, or in pairs, or even in greater numbers. Seven 
bakeries were constantly employed in supplying the hermits with 
bread; there were also physicians, pastrycooks, and places where 
wine was sold. At the chief church on the mountain there were 
eight priests, the first of whom alone had the right to celebrate 
mass, to preach, and judge in cases of quarrel. Every Saturday 
and Sunday the hermits came to church. Just by was a hospice 
where they received strangers, and maintained them as long as 
they chose to stay, even if it was for two or three years : but 
after the first week, they expected them to undertake some kind 
of employment. (Ibid. p. 485.) 


andria, because the bishop was made without the 
knowledge of the Alexandrians, a thing which 
justice forbade, it proved the ruin of them all, 
and of the whole church of the East, and of 
the Egyptians ; and a source of trial and confu 
sion and quarrels, and schisms, and divisions, 
and the cause both of manifold evils to them 
selves personally and individually, and a pretext 
to the savage people of Alexandria for giving 
way to excessive and unrestrained fierceness and 

IV. ii. F or when the Alexandrians received the let 
ters of Longinus, and of the bishops who were 
with him, and subsequently of Theodore him 
self, giving an account of all they had done, 
and informing them that Theodore was their 
patriarch ; and when further, as in duty bound, 
he addressed to them his synodic letter, chiefly 
to assure them of his soundness in the faith, 
but also containing such other matters as were 
fitting for him to write to his church ; and 
among them an apology, in which he alleged his 
fear of the authorities, and of there being a dis 
turbance, as his reason for not having come in 
person to their city, that every thing might be 
done in canonical order, and with their consent 
and decree; when the chiefs, I say, of the 
clergy, whose names have been given above, and 
the rest, heard these things, they were greatly 
excited and agitated and enraged at every thing 
that had been done : and stirred up and inflamed 
the other clergy to the like fury and savage vio- 


lence against Longinus and Theodore, and even 
more fiercely against Paul, on whose account es 
pecially it was that they spurned and reviled and 
rejected the rest, and cried out both in the church 
and city against them in a disgraceful and disor 
derly manner, saying, Let us at once assemble 
without delay, and make us here a pope of our 
own selves/ At length they proposed the name 
of a certain Anclronicus, whom we have once be 
fore mentioned 11 . But in this their real purpose, 
as was said, was, that they might have full and 
unlimited power over the revenues of the church 
of Alexandria. When, however, they became 
aware that neither the clergy nor the laity would 
be content with him, because report said that a 
devil a short time before had appeared unto him; 
and as he himself now gave signs of declining 
the appointment, having fallen from their hope 
of electing one of themselves, they next fell upon 
the abominable artifice of nominating a con 
temptible and inefficient man, intending that he 
should possess nothing more than the name and 
dress, being prevented by his ignorance and sim 
plicity from taking part in the administration of 

h Probably in the lost chapters at the beginning of this book, 
as no mention is made of him in any of the extant parts. A 
word occurs just before im . >{. which I am unable to translate. 
It does not belong to the Syriac language, and as nothing sug 
gests itself in Greek, I have omitted the sentence : the construc 
tion apparently requires that it should be the name of some class 
of people, or order in the church, as it says that Andronicus be 
longed to them. 


the revenues, and those other duties which befit 
so princely an office : for they supposed that they 
could command, and turn him about and manage 
him as they chose, while he would not be able to 
command them. And this plan they succeeded 
in effecting: for they chose a simple and ignorant 
old man, named Peter, who belonged to the ordi 
nary class of deacons, and who had been one of 
the companions of the blessed Theodosius in his 
exile, and proposed him as bishop. And on their 
determining to appoint him, only one bishop, a 
certain John, could be found to consecrate him, 
and even he was himself waiting his trial for 
some canonical offence. And when they knew 
not what to do next, two foreign bishops arrived, 
who had lately been consecrated for the church 
of Syria by the blessed Jacob, and who, it so 
happened, both bore the same name of Antoni 
nus ; and on them they laid violent hands, and 
made them consecrate the deacon Peter as bishop, 
though there was at the time another in pos 
session of the throne, and they had themselves 
received his synodic letters. And without exa 
mination and trial, as order and the canons com 
mand, or making inquiry whether his appoint 
ment had been conducted in a proper manner, 
and according to the canons, or in violation of 
them, they were roused to bitter anger, and ini 
quitous contrivances; for their wrath led them 
into a course marked by savage violence and bar 
barous fury. And thus they made and appointed 
a second bishop upon the same throne from their 


hatred to the first, causing thereby disturbance 
and confusion, and schism and quarrel, in the 
whole church. And, in fact, as the result shewed, 
it was done at the will and pleasure of the devil, 
who was the real instigator of these things, and 
who led them on as being a vindictive and in 
temperate people to so great turbulence and sa- 
vageness, that no single thought of order entered 
their minds, or of the duty of judging and exa 
mining whether the former appointment had 
been made fittingly or not, as Theodore supposed 
they would do on hearing the news of his crea 
tion. Instead of this, they took so extreme a 
course as to appoint another in his place. Had 
their violence been bridled by the fear of God, 
they would have understood of themselves the 
mischiefs and schisms, and divisions and dis 
putes, and struggles and disturbances, which 
they were about to occasion in His church : in 
stead whereof their evil purpose was accom 
plished, and the quarrel so begun continues to 
this day, though eight years, more or less, have 
now elapsed 1 . And to describe all the fightings 
which have sprung forth from this source, the 
mutual quarrels, the unappeasable hatred which 
has taken possession of many hearts, would re 
quire the lamentations of Jeremiah, the prophet 
of grief: for sense and moderation seem entirely 
lost, nor can they restrain themselves from utter- 

* This chapter must have been written therefore A. D. 585, in 
the second year of the reign of Maurice. 


ing reproach and contumely, and bitter calumnies 
against one another. 

IV. 12. Just therefore as a man who is weak and dis 
eased in his eyes, cannot easily see with ac 
curacy, and search for any tiling in the rays of 
the sun ; and again, as one who is burning with 
fever cannot do any thing whatsoever like a 
healthy man; so also those who are hurried away 
by passion, and dragged along by the fury of an 
angry zeal, can neither discern nor judge what 
is fitting, nor thereby regulate their conduct. 
And so also neither can those who are intoxi 
cated with heat, and agitated with wrath and 
the spirit of opposition, either purpose or execute 
any thing whatsoever in a firm and steadfast 
manner. And this in fact happened to the wise 
clergy of Alexandria : for they were by no means 
men of inferior merit, or without knowledge, had 
not the gall of anger agitated them, and wrath 
made them stumble; and yet they lived to be 
an example of the Scripture, which says of those 
tossed by waves and winds and tempests, that 
Ps. cvii. < they shook and reeled like drunken men, and 
all their wisdom perished/ For so in their hasty 
and uncanonical proceeding, when the synodal 
letter reached them, informing them that a bi 
shop had been consecrated for them by those who 
were orthodox like themselves, and members of 
their communion, because, owing to the urgency 
of the times, it was done without their vote, they 
took so violent a course as to seize upon and 
consecrate Peter as the second bishop, at the 


same time upon the same throne. Whether this 
was right, any one may judge, who considers 
that during the whole space of ten years, which 
had elapsed since the death of the Messed Thco- 
dosius, they might have created for themselves 
a bishop without dispute; whereas they waited 
until the news reached them of the appointment 
of Theodore, and then made an election in anger, 
to be a cause of quarrel and dissension and 
schism in the church ; for Peter, whom they 
elected, was immediately regarded by many as 
an adulterer, who had entered in unto his neigh 
bour s wife k . And moreover, to strengthen his po 
sition, they persuaded this second prelate, thrust 
contrary to church-laws and canonical order into 
another s throne, to consecrate no less, as was 
said, than seventy bishops ; though were a man 
but seeking for labourers to till his fields, he 
would find it no easy matter to bring together 
at one time so many men fit for his purpose. 
What then shall we say of those who were chosen 
to feed Christ s rational flock, according to the 

k This phrase was applied in the early church, not merely as 
in the present case, to a bishop elected to a see already filled by 
another, but even to one who deserted the bishopric to which he 
was first appointed, even though it was for a patriarchate. Thus 
when Epiphanius, patriarch of Constantinople, died in 535, 
and Anthimus, bishop of Trapezus, was translated to the see, 
Agapetus, pope of Home, Constahtinopolim de Roma adveniens, 
Anthimum ecclesia pellit, dicens eum contra regulam adulterum 
qui sua ecclesia dimissa, ambierat alienam. Com. Marcellinus in 
Chronico, Indict, xiv. 


commandment given to the blessed Peter, Feed 
my sheep : and of whom the apostolic rule and 
instruction to Timothy was, that with much care 
and enquiry and examination he should select 
those whom he appointed to the priesthood only, 
and how much more then those who are heads 
over the priests? And as the beginning of the 
matter was troubled and confused, and contrary 
to established precedent, so was its end. For 
even so no check was put upon his hasty course 
of violence, nor did he clothe himself in the 
quietness and gentleness of Christ, but let them 
hurry him into malignant proceedings, which 
caused a schism between the churches of Syria 
and Alexandria: for he ventured unjustly and 
uncanonically to depose Paul, who by the com 
mand of the blessed Theodosius had been conse 
crated patriarch of Antioch, and this too in his 
absence. Nor merely so, but he must needs 
bring accusations against Jacob, bishop of Syria, 
and even publish them in a circular letter, which 
he sent about in all directions : in which, from 
the old enmity and feud of the Alexandrians 
against Paul, he inserted a number of murderous 
and lying slanders, to the effect that Paul and 
his party had communicated with the Synodites. 
But those whom he calumniated solemnly ab 
jured the charge, in the defence which they 
jointly addressed to the whole church, and in 
which they anathematized the authors and pub 
lishers of the scandal, and themselves, if ever 
knowingly and consciously, either in secret or in 


public, they had been guilty of the act of which 
they were accused. 

And though I thus write, let no man imagine IV. 13. 
that either here, or in what I shall hereafter 
relate concerning this turbulent affair, my pur 
pose is to indulge in slanders, or to say any 
thing untrue, or even superfluous, in the hope 
of gaining for the one side the victory, and of 
throwing blame upon the other. My sole object 
is briefly to record the events which happened 
in the year 886 of Alexander (A. D. 575), and 
subsequently: adding nothing to them, though 
we will not promise not to curtail them ; for 
the confusion and turbulence and irregularity 
wrought by the contrivance of the enemy of 
mankind exceeds all measure, nor can we do 
more than give a short sketch of it, classing it 
all under the title of disorder. But to return 
to our narrative. When Theodore, who had 
been consecrated bishop of Alexandria against 
his will, by Longinus and the rest, learnt that 
the Alexandrians had behaved thus violently 
and savagely, and had refused to receive either 
him or his letters, and contrary to all canonical 
order had even appointed the above-named Peter 
after his election, and in his stead, he remained 
quiet, and continued to observe the rules of his 
former habit (as a monk), nor did he allow him 
self to be disturbed by what had happened, say 
ing, Let there be no schism, and no quarrel, on 
my account ; for my sole care is to live in peace, 
as I have done unto this day/ And so he con- 


tinned for awhile to avoid all agitation ; but 
when in process of time many, both in the city 
and in the deserts, and in Egypt and the Thebais, 
came over to him, he also appointed vicars in his 
own name, and ordained priests J . 

IV. 14. Far different was the conduct of the other side, 
as regards both the patriarch Paul and Jacob. 
Of the former we have already given in the 
Second Book at full length an account of the 
fall, into which he was betrayed by the hope of 
unity : and now we have to tell how the people 
of Alexandria became possessed of the vain idea, 
that attended by his bishops he had travelled 
into Nubia, and there with Longinus had conse 
crated Theodore : whereas Longinus, in a letter 
which he sent in his defence, declared that this 
was false, and denied with solemn adjurations 
that Paul was either present at Theodore s con 
secration, or a party to it by word or privity. 
Nevertheless they prevailed on Peter, in their 
savage violence, audaciously to pronounce sen 
tence of deposition against him, in violation of 
all canonical order ; by which in fact his own 
consecration was illegal and invalid, inasmuch 
as he was the second appointed to fill a throne 
already occupied, a thing which the rules and 
canons of the church forbid. And moreover 

1 I imagine that | A.mnm is the Greek word avyKpirai, which 
occurs in the life of S. Theophylact, bishop of Nicomedia : com 
ing to Constantinople, he was slave first of all to the most holy 
TarasSus, who held the office of Trpwros (juy/eptVr/r, first vicar or 
assessor in the patriarch s court. 


they invented charges against the blessed Jacob, 
and, not content therewith, published them in 
circular letters. And this was done in the ab 
sence alike of Paul and Jacob, w r ho were not 
cited as the canons require, nor were the charges 
brought against them in their presence, that so 
sentence might follow according to w r hat they 
had done. And this proceeding of the church at 
Alexandria led to a bitter schism between them 
and Syria, and was itself the result of an old 
grudge which they harboured against Paul. 

It may perhaps not be out of place here to say iv. 15. 
of the simplicity and innocence of the old man 
Jacob, that which is written in the Scriptures, 
concerning the brethren in the days of the 
blessed apostles, that in the singleness of their Acts ii. 
heart they praised the Lord/ For he, like them, 46< 
to simplicity and innocence, joined great spiritual 
zeal, and from his youth, even unto old age, was 
indefatigable in his exertions and labours for the 
church. He was however too much under the 
influence of the crafty and designing men about 
him, who turned him every way they chose, and 
used him as a means of establishing their own 
power, swaying him now in this direction, and 
now in that, like a child. And so it was in the 
case of Paul, who originally had been conse 
crated by him and the rest, patriarch of Antioch 
the Great, and thereby elevated to be their own 
head and ruler : but when after his appoint 
ment they still continued to conduct matters at 
their own discretion, and without consulting 



him ; and others at length represented to them, 
that it was not right to act without the judg 
ment of their patriarch, the rebuke greatly dis 
pleased them, nor would they even so desist 
from managing every thing as they chose. When 
then subsequently Paul and the other leading bi 
shops were summoned to the capital, in the hope 
of establishing the unity of the church, and had 
arrived there, and been received by the king, 
many long discussions were held, and consulta 
tions, which extended over a period of more 
than two years, and of which we have recorded 
the leading particulars in the Second Book, and 
therefore think it better now to pass them over. 
Finally, however, Paul and the three others with 
him, through too great confidence in the oaths 
and declarations of those in power, were be 
trayed by their too eager hope of union into 
lapsing miserably into the communion of the 
two natures : and after much had passed, of 
which an account has been already given, and 
they had been all sent into banishment, Paul, 
setting his life at nought, fled from the palace, 
and was delivered from the hand of his enemies, 
and hastened unto Syria, where he laid his act 
of penitence before the synod of the East, and 
not content with one petition, sent also a second. 
And he continued as a supplicant for the space 
of three years, more or less, and then was duly 
and canonically received into communion by the 
blessed Jacob and his synod. Whereupon Jacob 
wrote letters, both to us at the capital, and to 


Antioch, and to other quarters, as follows: 

Learn that we have received our blessed patri 
arch, the lord Paul, into spiritual communion; 
and we have taken the sacrament together : and 
every one who receiveth him, receiveth us ; and 
every one who receiveth not him, receiveth not 
us/ And yet after a little time, by the con 
trivance of the evil one, various accusations were 
stirred up between them, which we for their 
habit s sake shall hide in silence. 

The enmity and division between the two 
parties, and their mutual criminations concern 
ing the disorderly proceedings at Alexandria, 
continued for a considerable time ; and the 
blessed Jacob was especially active in writing 
in all directions in opposition to Peter, the se 
cond bishop consecrated to the see, and described 
him in his letters as a new Gaianus ra , who had 

m On the death of Timothy, patriarch of Alexandria in 
A. D. 5 1 8, a double election took place, two persons, Gaianus 
and Theodosius, being chosen by the people, both opposed to 
the synod of Chalcedon, but differing upon a question, greatly 
agitated at that time in the church, Gaianus holding that the 
body of our Lord was incapable of corruption, whereas Theo 
dosius maintained that though it did not actually see corruption, 
yet that it was capable of it. The scenes which followed are 
strongly indicative of the state of the church in the sixth cen 
tury. On the death of a patriarch of Alexandria, the custom was 
for his successor to perform the funeral rites over his remains, 
during which he placed the hand of the dead man upon his own 
head, and after burying him, assumed the pall of St. Mark, and 
so mounted the throne. As Theodosius was the court candidate, 
he succeeded in so far getting the start as to perform some of 


arisen for the disturbing of the church : he even 
sent me, though but of small account, three epi 
stles upon this subject. 

these ceremonies, but before the funeral was over, and the throne 
mounted, the monks and populace who sided with Gaianus drove 
him away. Gaianus now filled the see for three months, until 
Justinian sent the famous eunuch Narses to reinstate Theodosius ; 
and when the citizens drove him out of the town by force, the 
very women throwing missiles from the roofs of the houses, Nar- 
ses set fire to the city, and having burnt down most of it, obliged 
them in this manner to receive their bishop. The arguments of 
Severus of Antioch against Julian of Halicarnassus, the chief 
defender of the tenets of Gaianus and his party, (and which are 
still extant in MS. in the British Museum,) seem to have gradu 
ally brought over the better educated portion of the inhabitants 
of Alexandria to Theodosius side, but as the mob there continued 
its resistance, he was at length deprived of his see by Justinian, 
and retired to Constantinople, where, as I have mentioned, he 
was supported by Theodora s influence, and still recognised by 
the Monophysites as the true patriarch of Alexandria. Cf. Le 
Quien, Oriens Chr. ii. 430. 

The reason alleged by Kenaudot for his being deprived of his 
see is, that really his restoration was brought about by Theodora, 
and Justinian vexed at seeing so great power in the hands of a 
man opposed to his theological tenets, wrote to him and required 
him to receive Leo s letter, and use his exertions to bring about 
its general acceptance in his diocese ; in which case he promised 
to make him the temporal as well as spiritual governor of Egypt, 
and subject all the bishops of Africa to his authority, whereas 
should he refuse, he was immediately to quit his see. On receiv 
ing this letter, Theodosius told the prefect and the messengers, 
that the devil once took our Lord into a mountain and shewed 
him the kingdoms of the world and its glory, and said, 4 All this 
will I give thee, if thou wilt worship me. And so now the em 
peror offered him what would be the ruin of his soul, if it led 
him to desert Christ his King. Then raising his voice, he said in 


As for Peter, whom others had set up as bishop IV. 16. 
of Alexandria when the see was already occu 
pied, to be but as a picture painted upon a wall, 
while they managed every thing at their own 
will, not content with his illegal and disorderly 
election, and with having induced him to ordain 
men without examination, young and old alike, 
until he had made a string" of seventy bishops, 
and other clergy in proportion, they now led 
him on to another violent act, and prevailed 

the presence of the multitude, I anathematize Leo s letter, and 
the council of Chalcedon ; and all who approve of its articles 
of faith, be they accursed now and for ever. Then turning to 
the prefect, he continued, l The emperor has power over my 
body, but not over my soul. Jesus Christ the true emperor has 
power over both. I am ready, therefore, to follow the ex 
ample of my predecessors, Athanasius and Cyril and Dioscorus 
and Timothy, and suffer as they have done for the faith. He 
then went out, exhorting all who loved God to follow him ; for 
naked he had left his mother s womb, and naked he must return 
to it : and that whosoever lost his life for the faith s sake, would 
save it. At night he was taken into custody, and sent into the 
Thebais, where he exhorted the monks to constancy ; but the 
emperor, fearing lest his example should encourage the people to 
remain firm in their creed, commanded him to come to Constan 
tinople. There his modesty and humility won for him the empe 
ror s respect, who treated him kindly, and tried to win him over 
to his views ; but finding all his efforts unsuccessful, he finally 
banished him to a place a few miles from the city. Ren. Pat. 
Alex. 139. 

n The word |A*o, used in the original, signifies, i. a bow ; 
2. chaff. As, however, I find that the root has the meaning of 

collegit, cf. Ges. Thes. sub tEtftp* I have translated it in this 


upon him to venture to pronounce the formal 
deposition of Paul of Antioch, in violation of the 
order and canons of the church ; nor did the fact 
of his having no legal rights himself restrain him 
from this piece of audacity. And for the purpose 
of stirring up opposition and hatred, he drew up 
a paper full of false accusations against Paul 
and others, and was guilty of such acts of ty 
ranny and pride, that he can be compared only 
to a drunken man, who wanders about without 
sense after his vomit ; nor had he any will of his 
own, but acted as they who appointed him led 
him on. And these missives he sent every 
where, and committed other acts, which became 
the fruitful source of schisms, and widened the 
breach and dissension already existing between 
the churches of Syria and Egypt. 

IV. 17. To some of these acts the blessed Jacob was 
prevailed upon to give his consent ; for being, as 
we have said above, a simple man, he was in 
fluenced by the violent persons who surrounded 
him, and whose object was to find an opportu 
nity of showing the hatred, which by the insti 
gation of the enemy of man, they entertained 
against Paul. They now, therefore, prevailed 
upon the old man to visit Alexandria, persuading 
him that he would thus establish unity between 
Alexandria and Syria, though they were them 
selves well aware of the old grudge and unap 
peasable enmity which had long existed at Alex 
andria against Paul, and of which the sole root 
was envy. They found means, therefore, of in- 

CX1V. I, 


ducing the unsuspecting old man to visit Alex 
andria, telling him he could do so without its 
being generally known; but many, when they 
heard what he w r as about to do, wrote to him 
and protested, that he ought not inconsiderately 
to go there alone, lest he should be prevailed 
upon by their wiles to take part in their hatred, 
and so fresh schisms and disputes be occasioned 
between Egypt and Syria, and the evil already ex 
isting be increased and strengthened. But those 
about him were deaf to persuasion, and took him 
to Alexandria, where he fell among a barbarous Psalm 
people/ as Scripture says ; and having led him 
there, they next induced him by trickery to sub 
mit to communion with Peter, though he had 
himself reproached him both verbally and in 
writing, and called him a new Gaianus risen up 
for the confusion of the church of God. And 
further they prevailed upon him to draw up a 
paper, professing to be articles of union, and offer 
it to the very person whom he had himself 
blamed and reproached, and said that he was 
nothing better than an adulterer, who had seized 

This is now the third time that John has applied to the 
Alexandrians the remarkable epithet j^nV \. taken from Psalm 
cxiv. i, the only other place where it occurs. Bar Bahlul ex 
plains the verb as ^Egyptiace locutus est : but plainly John in 
tends by it savage/ barbarous. The people of Alexandria do 
not seem to have borne a very good character in ancient times, 
if we may judge from Dio Cassius, who calls them (lib. 4. 24), 

QpavvvavQai fj.ev TrpoTrercVrarot, dv8pi<ra(rdai de dcrQeveaTarot, the 

greatest braggarts, and the most utter cowards in the world. 


upon another s wife, in having been consecrated 
to a see, which another orthodox bishop already 
filled. But in thus acting, their real motive was 
hatred to Paul, whom they hoped to find an op 
portunity of condemning and deposing ; and thus 
they closed their eyes to all other considerations, 
and joined the very Peter whom they had reviled 
as a new Gaianus, and, as the saying is, trampled 
all propriety under foot, and counted as nothing 
the violation of the canons which they had them 
selves previously laid to Peter s charge ; assent 
ing and setting their seal to all his illegal acts, 
and, above all, to his deposition of Paul, patriarch 
of Antioch, which audaciously and tyrannically, 
and in violation of all canonical rules, had been 
pronounced by Peter and his party, in Paul s 
absence, before the arrival there of Jacob. For 
when they first heard of it, this act had delight 
ed them and gratified their feelings of enmity ; 
for they hoped that the yoke of their patriarch 
Paul was taken from off their neck, and they, 
therefore, wrote and gave their assent thereto. 
The old man Jacob, however, persuaded them 
that the deposition should not be accompanied 
by any act of excommunication. 

IV. 1 8. On the completion of this turbulent business 
at Alexandria, which proved a fruitful source of 
ruin and disturbance and schism and quarrel to 
the whole church of Syria, Peter asked the bless 
ed Jacob and his companions, on their depar 
ture, after having approved and confirmed every 
thing he had done, to allow three of his bishops 


to accompany them back to Syria to give their 
testimony and confirmation to the disorder they 
had wrought. They travelled, therefore, in com 
pany ; and all Syria, so to speak, was startled 
and astonished at their coming. And when they 
began to tell the purport of what they had 
done, and the deposition of Paul in violation of 
canonical law, a great division and schism and 
offence was the immediate consequence through 
out the whole church of the believers in every 
part of Syria ; for many assented to what had 
been done by the old man Jacob at Alexandria, 
some for his own sake, because for a long time 
they had looked up to him, and others, because 
they hoped that a firm and lasting union would 
so be made with Alexandria : but the rest at 
once dissented and disapproved and rejected 
all that had been done there, blaming and se 
verely censuring Jacob and his party; for at 
first he had himself blamed Peter s appoint 
ment, and reproached both him and those who 
consecrated him, and called him a new Gaianus 
whom the Alexandrians had set up for the dis 
turbing of the church : and said that his appoint 
ment was contrary to the canons, and invalid, 
and his priesthood nought, and that he was 
an adulterer; and then, after all this, he had 
gone and assented and submitted to the man 
whom he had rejected and reproached, and had 
communicated with him ; nor so only, but 
had even presented to him a petition : for the 
three bishops who accompanied him back had 


brought it with them, and showed it privately to 
many, saying, See, here is the petition which 
father Jacob made and presented to pope Peter. 
And this they did in secret, as neither he nor 
his companions considered that it was a petition 
which they had drawn up, but articles of union ; 
and were it not for the length of the narrative, 
we would have inserted it here in its place 

IV. 19. Unfortunately the schism was confined to no 
narrow limits, but spread from Syria into Cilicia, 
Isauria, Asia, Cappadocia, and Armenia ; and 
especially to the capital, so that in this the 887th 
year of Alexander (A. D. 576), grief upon grief, 
and blow upon blow fell upon the persecuted 
and lacerated church of the believers every 
where, by reason of the division, and quarrels, 
and schisms, and wrongs, and evil deeds which 
sprang up and multiplied between Jacob and 
Paul, and spread like an ulcer cruelly, and with 
out fear of God. For the bishops and clergy and 
monasteries, great and small, joined some one 
side and some the other, as also did the people 
of the churches, both in towns and villages, and 
in the country : and each faction eagerly set 
itself to injure, and ruin, and revile, and speak 
evil of the other, with barbarous and unmiti 
gated violence, seeking the other s wrong, and 
slandering them, and dividing the people, and 
producing schism in the churches, and tearing 
the congregations to pieces, till each one abomi 
nated his neighbour, and rent himself from him, 


and endeavoured to enlarge his own party, doing 
his utmost to produce division, and make others 
stumble, and cause schisms, and bring men over 
to his own views. And thus both sides were 
filled and exasperated with the spirit of oppo 
sition, in contempt of order and judgment, and 
the fear of God : to which had they not been 
strangers, they would have repented of their evil 
doings, and ceased from thus creating schism 
and disturbance in His church. But this course 
of murderous hatred and rancour, and reproach 
and mutual revilings was stirred up in them by 
one who asked that he might sift them as LU. xxii. 
wheat/ by tempting them to deride and reproach 3I> 
one another. For even of heathens and Jews 
and heretics, no one, however fierce and savage, 
would venture to speak so reproachfully as the 
believers did of one another ; at the very time 
when in matters of faith there was no difference 
or dispute between them. 

Upon the breaking out of this fierce and cruel IV. 20. 
and disorderly schism between Jacob and Paul, 
and not between them only, but generally 
throughout all Syria, and the neighbouring coun 
tries, where every one took either one side or 
the other, some approving of and receiving all 
that had been done by Jacob in Alexandria, 
while others sided with Paul, and rejected Ja 
cob s proceedings, as being entirely contrary to 
canonical order ; to which view the chief mo 
nasteries principally inclined : when this savage 
and violent state of things everywhere prevailed, 


Paul constantly sent to Jacob, by the hands of 
numerous messengers, saying, Why is there all 
this disturbance in the church of God? Let us 
hold a conference with one another, and examine 
canonically and legally the matters in dispute 
between us, and if I am guilty according to the 
canons, instead of one sentence and one canon, 
I am ready to submit to three; but if, on the 
contrary, the fault rests with you, even so for 
your sake I will submit to it/ But those who 
were about the simple old man Jacob, would not 
let him give way, and consent to see and con 
verse with him ; for they knew that they could 
not stand before him, and knew too that at his 
first word he would convict them as they de 
served. Jacob therefore said, I liave come to 
terms with and received the Alexandrians, and 
drawn up writings of agreement with them ; and 
from them I cannot turn away, and without their 
consent neither shall he see me nor I him. 
IV. 21. Equally in vain was the intercession of Mon- 
dir, son of Harith, king of the Arabs, who was 
both a believer, and an active and zealous man, 
and who spent much time in urging and suppli 
cating both sides to cease from their wrath and 
contest, and hold a conference with one another, 
and talk the matter over, and make peace. But 
the Jacobites would not consent, though Paul 
besought both Mondir himself and others, that a 
full examination and inquiry might be made 
into those things which had been stirred up by 
Satan between them. And inasmuch as for a 


long time, from the days of Harith his father, 
they had regarded Jacob as a great man, and 
subsequently, at a later time, had similarly re 
spected Paul ; and now the two had come to so 
fierce a difference and quarrel, and Jacob s party 
would not be appeased, the discussion spread 
also among the Arab tribes, and to many of 
them also the matter proved a stumblingblock ; 
for some went after Paul, while others took the 
side of Jacob. 

The news of this dissension and disturbance IV. 22. 
caused Longinus and his companions, and with 
them Theodore, whom they had made patriarch, 
to proceed from Egypt to the countries of the 
East, and especially to Syria, where they joined 
themselves to the adherents of Paul, with the 
view of entering into a judicial examination of 
the matter with the partizans of Jacob, and if 
possible to put an end to the quarrel, and the 
continually increasing evils to which the dispute 
led. Theodore therefore remained quietly in the 
city of Tyre, but Longinus went to Hirah, the 
capital, founded by Gabala, son of Harith, to find 
Mondir, the son of Harith; and after he had 
conversed with him, and told him exactly the 
whole truth, the king was the more anxious to 
get them together, and reconcile them ; but the 
partizans of Jacob utterly rejected his mediation. 
Finally, however, a large number of Jacob s party 
and himself assembled in the monastery of Mar 
Ananias P in the desert : and one of them, a 

P Asseman, in his account of the Monophysites, mentions a 


bishop, named John, belonging to the same mo 
nastery, was sent, with a fraudulent purpose, to 
Longinus and his companions, saying, Inasmuch 
as the old man, my lord Jacob, has come hither, 
and wishes to converse with you, come to him 
quickly : for there will be present only us three, 
myself, and you, and Jacob, and we will talk the 
matter over, and put an end to the quarrel, and 
bring this turbulent state of things to an end. 
And upon the receipt of a letter to this effect, 
Longinus readily arose, and started, accompanied 
by the rest of his party, and arrived there. 
But no sooner had they come, than they con 
ducted him and his company into a place where 
there was sitting no small crowd of monks, and 
laymen, and jurists, and lawyers. And when 
Longinus saw the partizans of Peter q, he said 
to John, who had come to invite him, * What 
fraud is this that thou hast done me, and hast 
written unto me falsely, saying, that the old 
man was here alone, and that I should come 
that we three might confer together? where is 
the old man? and what is this crowd? And on 

monastery of Mar Ananias in Mesopotamia, famous as being the 
residence of their patriarchs, from A.D. 1166 to the present day. 
But from his description, it is apparently a different place from 
the monastery in the desert mentioned here. 

V The word in the original, ^.^^a, is very uncertain : a 
point over the initial letter seems to requite the vowel to be a, 
in which case it may be a Syriac plural for nartpes, abbots; but 
I am rather inclined to read it irfTpeloi, and refer it to the three 
Alexandrian bishops, sent to represent pope Peter. 


his thus speaking, one of the monks produced 
a written indictment against him, and said, 
Take and read this, and give in an answer 
thereto/ But he replied, 4 1 have been invited 
hither by fraud and falsehood, and I will not 
read it, nor give an answer to any man. And 
upon his looking round for a means of escape, 
they laid hands upon him, and seized him, say 
ing, You will not get out hence until you have 
read it : and if you will not read it, we will read 
it to you, and listen/ But when they began to 
read, he put his fingers into his ears, that he 
might not hear. Whereupon they began to pull 
him this way and that, and he cried out, Woe, 
woe, what have I dorie r ? why am I to be trea 
cherously murdered? And now a strife arose, 
and the quarrel grew louder, and a scene of dis 
orderly violence ensued, and murder was at the 
very point of being committed, until he managed, 
still crying Woe! to extricate himself from 
among them, and get out, and save himself from 
their hands, and flee away. Jacob himself he 
never even saw. And many such acts as these 
were committed everywhere by the evident insti 
gation of devils ....... 

The rest of the chapter, and the next eight, 
are lost ; but it is evident that they contained 
the recital of similar acts of unbridled temper 

r The Syriac is M\ A-j UAic, which signifies, I have a 
king ; but as this is nonsense, I imagine the right reading to be 


and fraud and violence, from the few lines of the 
thirtieth still preserved ; in which we find our 
historian lamenting, that deeds were wrought 
on both sides by the two factions, into which the 
believers so unworthy of the name were rent, 
so insensate and unrestrained, that Satan and 
his herds of demons alone could rejoice in them, 
as involving the ruin of the church, while for all 
reflecting men they were a source of lamentation, 
and bitter sorrow, and groans. 

That these words are not stronger than the 
facts warrant, we learn from what he next nar- 
IV. 31. rates; for he tells us, that the principal and 
most famous monasteries, both in the south and 
east, were split and sundered into the two op 
posing parties of Paulites and Jacobites, and that 
they were so exasperated against one another as 
to come to blows and fighting, and the mischief 
wrought was incalculable, and often ended in 
murders. Finally, the civil powers interfered, 
and many arrests were made, and the monks 
dragged in chains and fetters to Antioch the 
Great, and cast into prison : and so the honoured 
dress they wore, but which they had not honour 
ably kept, became an object of contempt and 
ridicule to heathens and Jews and heretics, 
when they saw them brought before the courts of 
justice, manacled and fettered, and charged with 
murder ; being men of venerable aspect, aged 
monks, with beards so long as to reach to the hems 
of their garments, but now with collars round 
their necks, and standing before the judges to 


answer for the crime of bloodshed. Who would 
not tremble and lament and wail over deeds so 
horrible ? Who would not mourn as the hysena, 
and lament as the jackal, over salt which had 
not only lost its savour, but itself become foul 
and rotten, and therefore was cast out and trod 
den under foot of men ? And in other monasteries 
the monks divided into two parties, of which the 
one continued in their old home, while the other 
abandoned it, and went away and found some 
other place to dwell in, to which they gave the 
name of the monastery they had left ; but even 
so each entertained against the other a feeling of 
deadly hostility unchecked by any thought of 
moderation and restraint. 

Nor did the abbots shew greater moderation IV. 32. 
than the inferior monks ; for after numerous 
meetings held in various places, they at length 
assembled in a great congress, and after long 
debate, and preparation for opposing the ad 
herents of Paul, they decided upon appointing 
three of their most active partisans, men ready 
for any contest, to go as a deputation to the old 
man Jacob, and those who were with him, to 
rouse and incite and stir them up by a letter 
which they addressed to them, and which we 
are prevented from inserting only by its length, 
but its purport was to bid them stand up zeal 
ously, and make a patriarch for them in Paul s 
stead ; and further they asked them, w r hat they 
intended to do with respect to Paul s ordinations, 
and as to the Tritheites, and so on. And when 



the letter was brought to the old man, he gave 
orders for a meeting to be held in the monastery 
of Mar Ananias ; but when they began to talk 
the matter over, several of the bishops would not 
consent to create a patriarch while Paul was 
alive, and not canonically condemned ; for how/ 
said they, can we trifle like children who have 
not yet arrived at discretion, and make another 
patriarch while there is one still living, and ex 
pose ourselves canonically to punishment? And 
as they could not agree, the meeting separated 
without accomplishing any thing. 

IV. 33. Soon after they had thus been prevented from 
making a patriarch, the blessed Jacob suddenly 
determined upon going down forthwith to Alex 
andria; and accordingly set out thither, accom 
panied by several bishops and other attendants, 
to the number of eight. And among the many 
opinions entertained concerning his journey, the 
most prevalent was, that he intended, in con 
junction with Damianus 5 , the patriarch there, 

8 The Arabic authorities, quoted by Renaudot, Pat. Alex. 144, 
agree in assigning two years to Peter in the see of Alexandria ; 
but it is evident from our author, that the Canon Chronologicus 
is right, which fixes his death in the tenth month after his 
election. Damianus, the next patriarch, had previously been 
Peter s syncellus, having been appointed to this office from the 
great reputation he had acquired as an ascetic in a monastery on 
mount Thabor, where he devoted his time to sermon writing, 
and to disputations with heretics. I may mention, that the 
Chronology of Renaudot is hopelessly confused in this part of his 
work, from his not being aware that many years elapsed between 
the death of Theodosius and the election of Peter. 


to create a new patriarch for Syria : while others 
affirmed, that his purpose was to come to terms 
with the followers of Paul : hut as he kept his 
intentions secret from every body, it will never 
he certainly known what his real views were. 
But from the eyes of God nothing is hid, and 
ever does He watch over the good of the creatures 
of His hands. When therefore they had com 
menced their journey, and had reached the great 
monastery of Cassianus on the borders of Egypt, 
there first of all, as was said, immediately one 
of the hishops who accompanied him, and who 
was abbot of Cartamin 1 , died. And the old man 
arose, and celebrated the communion over him 
to his memory. Almost immediately afterwards, 
Sergius his own syncellus, and who was also a 
bishop, fell sick and died ; and then the old man 
also fell sick, and lingered for three days, and 
died ; and finally the deacon who waited upon 
him. All these died unexpectedly one after an 
other within a period of twelve days; and men 
wondered greatly, and interpreted it in various 
ways, and their thoughts were troubled. And 
when the news reached Alexandria, Damianus 
and the rest of the clergy hastened thither, but 
arrived after the old man s death, and wanted 
to carry away his remains with them, but the 

* Cartamin was a very ancient monastery of the Monophysites, 
situated near Marde, in Mesopotamia. An account of it is given 
by Asseman, in his Essay on the Monophysites, prefixed to the 
second volume of his Bibliotheca Oriental is. 

U 2 


inhabitants of the monastery would not give 
their consent. And astonishment seized them 
because of all these things, and wonder that the 
blessed Jacob and his company should so sud 
denly be snatched away; and many concluded 
in themselves that possibly he was about to do 
something strange, and likely to increase the 
troubles of the church ; or that he was even pur 
posing perhaps to make a patriarch ; and so God 
took him to Himself, that the soul of the pious old 
man might not suffer loss. 

IV. 34. As the death of the blessed Jacob and his com 
pany was so sudden and remarkable, it naturally 
led to various rumours, but there was one especi 
ally most wicked as well as unfounded, invented 
by men who have no fear of the account which 
hereafter they will have to give, nor care for 
their own souls For counting as nothing the 
injury of their own souls, they were not ashamed 
to say, that some of Paul s party by his command 
lay in wait for father Jacob on the way, and beat 
him with staves, and stoned him and his com 
panions, and so seriously injured him that he 
was just able to creep into Egypt to die there. 
But this story is not merely false, but very wick 
ed ; for to increase their own condemnation, and 
multiply the causes of offence already existing, 
they eagerly spread this rumour abroad every 
where, that they might terrify others, and cause 
them to stumble, and defile the consciences of 
believers, that others might be offended and 
their own party increased. As for the injury 


and ruin which their own souls suffered by 
spreading abroad such murderous calumnies, it 
gave them no pain or solicitude, because plainly 
they were destitute of all fear of God. 

Various attempts meanwhile were made from IV. 35. 
time to time to reconcile the Paulites and Jacob 
ites ; and especially the three ambassadors, who 
were sent in the year 888 (A. D. 577) to confer 
with the Persians about reestablishing peace on 
the borders, did their utmost in Paul s behalf. 
Their names were Theodore the patrician, and 
the consuls John and Peter, of whom we have 
read before, and who both were inclined to side 
rather with Paul ; and so greatly did they inter 
est themselves in his behalf, that they thought 
far less of the political objects for which they 
had been sent, than of assembling meetings 
every day, and addressing them in his defence. 
And even father Jacob went unto them, attended 
by numerous friends, and the debate between 
them was so long that the particulars of it 
would exceed the bounds we are obliged to set 
to our narration. But neither side could per 
suade the other, and they parted with feelings of 
mutual annoyance, and withdrew from one an 
other. And in every city which the ambassadors 
visited they made the same attempt ; but as the 
people in the East along the banks of the Euphrates 
as far as the dominions of the Persians, for the 
most part, held rather with the blessed Jacob 
than with Paul, they could not be prevailed 
upon to give way ; and so they returned hither 


to the capital much offended, and reviling all the 

IV. 36. The course taken by the Arabs of the desert 
was the only one marked by any degree of mo 
deration ; for originally, before the schism broke 
out, the tribes there acknowledged the authority 
of the blessed Jacob ; but when, during the life 
time of the old king Harith, Paul fled thither, 
and remained in concealment among them, they 
were greatly edified also by his presence, because 
of his moderation and gravity and learning. And 
especially this was still more the case after the 
death of Harith, when both parties often met 
there, and received one another in a friendly 
manner : so that, in short, at Hirah all the 
Arabs equally respected Paul and Jacob. But 
when afterwards Satan put enmity between 
them, the Arabs were all grieved, and especially 
their king Mondir and his brethren and children. 
And they besought the old man Jacob to be re 
conciled and unite again one with the other ; but 
he would not consent either to receive Paul, or 
join in union with him, making the Alexandrians 
his pretext ; For if, said he, they will not re 
ceive him, neither will I/ And at this the Arabs 
were all offended and annoyed ; and when Paul 
went there, they received him, and took the com 
munion at his hands ; and when Jacob went 
there, they did the same, until he decreed that 
they were not to take the communion from Paul. 
And so they all continued offended and vexed 
and troubled until the death of the old man 


Jacob : and after his death many still adhered 
to his party, but others went over to the side 
of Paul ; and others received both alike. But 
all, without exception, were vexed and sadden 
ed at this strange schism and quarrel which 
had arisen between them, and especially king 
Mondir ; for constantly he besought the two 
parties to make peace with one another ; but the 
envy and hatred of Satan, and the evil counsel 
lors on both sides w 7 ho did his will, prevented 
there being any respite or reconciliation until 
the day of Jacob s death. And so, when the old 
man was in the thick of the quarrel, while 
busied in his journey to Alexandria, God Who 
knows all things, and Who had forethought for 
his real good, commanded that his end should 
overtake him on the way. 

Besides the orthodox patriarch Damianus, IV. 37. 
Peter s successor at Alexandria, there was also 
the synodite patriarch, John u , and repeated com 
plaints being made by him in letters to Constan 
tinople, orders came for the arrest of many of 
the orthodox clergy, with directions to send 
them to the capital. And on their arrival there 
in the month of May, in the year 890 (A. D. 579), 
the patriarch Eutychius refused to see them, and 
sent them a pompous message, saying, Inas 
much as on the former occasion, when ye were 
brought hither*, I let you go upon your promising 

u John, the synodite, or, as we should say, the catholic patri 
arch of Alexandria, occupied the throne about eleven years from 
A. D. 568 to 579. 


to receive the communion from me, come and do 
so now, and then ye shall have an audience with 
me, and see me/ And on hearing this message, 
they sent in answer, < We never promised to 
communicate with you, except upon the condi 
tion of your rejecting the council of Chalcedon. 
Upon which he became angry, and had them 
sent away, and separated from one another, and 
imprisoned in various monasteries. 

IV. 38. One of these clergy was the Theodosius, arch- 
presbyter and chancellor of the church of Alex 
andria, whose letter to Longinus, requesting him 
to consecrate for them a patriarch, had led to 
such disastrous results. He now was imprisoned 
in a monastery at the Natron Lakes, but soon 
after fell ill, and died in a good old age : and 
great grief was felt at his loss by all the Alexan 
drians, and especially by the imprisoned clergy. 
His death took place after their first summons to 
a discussion with the patriarch Eutychius ; on 
which occasion they had said, that unless either 
the king or senate were present as moderators, 
they would not debate. Long negotiations fol 
lowed, but finally they were sent back to the 
monasteries in which they had been imprisoned. 
And when they were now expecting a second 
summons to Constantinople to a discussion, their 
chief fell ill, as I have mentioned, and died, while 
they were still in prison and carefully watched. 

IV. 39. At length, however, there appeared to be some 
chance of reconciliation between the followers of 
Paul and Jacob by means of the good offices of 


Mondir, the son of Harith, king of the Arabs. 
For when a very furnace of Babylon seemed to 
be blazing and burning more hotly than ever be 
tween the two factions, kindled on insufficient 
reasons and groundless conjectures by the offi- 
ciousness of men, who, to gratify their envy and 
an old grudge, envenomed the simple and labo 
rious soul of the old man Jacob against Paul ; 
and the two parties were mutually reviling and 
reproaching one another, beyond all bounds and 
rules of propriety, without restraint, and, unbri 
dled by the fear of God, Mondir made a journey 
from Arabia to the capital, and there laboured 
zealously to bring about a peace. For though 
the will of God was fulfilled in the old man Ja 
cob, and he rested from this painful and troubled 
life, and departed from the world, yet the same, 
or even more, grievous quarrels continued, and 
mutual anathemas, and their minds were every 
where savagely excited in every region and dis 
trict and province alike, in the East and the 
West, until, in the words of Scripture, they had Ps. ixxix. 
become a reproach to their neighbours, a scorn 4 
and derision to them that were round about 
them/ But the illustrious Mondir, who had been 
honoured with the title of Patrician, on visiting 
the capital by invitation, and being magnificently 
received there by the king, set himself manfully 
and piously to abate all these evils, which he saw 
mutually practised by men who were members 
of the same faith and the same communion. He 
assembled therefore both sides, and scolded and 


admonished and reproached them for all the evils 
and schisms and quarrels which had sprung up 
between them : and advised them to cease from 
these strifes, and he at peace with one another ; 
and the more so, because they were all members 
of the same faith. And advice to this same effect 
he had long ago given to Paul and Jacob in per 
son, and had prayed them to live in peace and 
love one with another. 

This visit of the illustrious Moudir to the ca 
pital took place in the year 891 (A. D. 580), on 
the eighth day of February; and he was received 
with great pomp, and endless honours conferred 
upon him by the merciful king Tiberius, who 
made him large presents and royal gifts, and did 
for him all that he desired, and gave him every 
thing he asked, even bestowing military titles on 
the two sons, whom he had with him, and giving 
him leave to wear a royal crown. 

IV. 40. The meeting, which, with Tiberius consent, was 
convened by the illustrious Mondir, Avas held on 
the second day of March in the above-mentioned 
year, and attended by the chief men of note on 
both sides, and also by the Alexandrian clergy ; 
and his advice was, that they should cease from 
their quarrels, and put an end to and trample out 
the evils stirred up by Satan among them. And 
upon this, a debate took place too long for in 
sertion here, and much was said, not only by the 
followers of Jacob and Paul, but also by the 
Alexandrians, who appeared as a third party, and 
finally by our own unworthy self : and inasmuch 


as there were many persons of discernment on 
all sides, who deeply regretted the violent deeds 
wrought by turbulent men of all three parties 
alike, and rejoiced at the prospect of peace, and 
at an end being put to so many evils, they all 
consented, and unanimously promised, that they 
would unite again, and it was settled that they 
should enter into a compromise, and that all the 
points of difference which Satan had stirred up 
between them should be examined into, and 
done away. And when every one had agreed to 
this, a formal deed of union was drawn up, by 
which all schisms and quarrels were to cease, 
and the archbishops, and bishops, and clergy and 
monks of all the monasteries, and the laity, who 
were at variance, were to receive one another, 
and all with one accord consent to be at peace. 
And hereupon prayers for union were offered up 
by the priests on both sides, and also by the 
Alexandrians, and the reconciliation was com 
plete ; and all praised God for driving away the 
evil one, and putting an end to the wicked acts 
done at his instigation among them : and each 
and all promised that they would severally use 
their strenuous exertions to bring those of their 
party who were absent in the body to assent to 
this pacification. There were found, however, 
seditious and turbulent men, full of the canker 
of iniquity, who complained, and were displeased 
at the peace which had been made : and because 
the chiefs and notables alone had taken part in 
the conference with king Mondir, and the com- 


mon people had not been summoned to the meet 
ing, chiefly on this ground they set themselves 
against it, and wished every thing that had been 
done annulled. They held meetings, therefore, 
and made disturbances, and wrote and agitated 
both in Syria and Alexandria, and prevailed on 
many to join their party, and not to submit to or 
accept any thing that had been done, to the great 
delight of Satan, and all his hosts of devils. The 
meeting however at the capital separated quietly 
and with joy, and all thankfully accepted the 
grace of God, and the services of the illustrious 

Our historian next relates an attempt of Dami- 
anus to consecrate a patriarch of Antioch, which 
must have taken place at least a year previously 
to the meeting just described as having been held 
in A. D. 580. The deacon Peter did not survive 
his consecration many months, so that the num 
ber of bishops created by him would be incredible 
were it not that at that time the ordinary officers 
of a patriarch s household were frequently mem 
bers of the episcopate, as were also many of the 
abbots and leading monks, as well as the clergy 
of the towns; and as none probably had been 
consecrated during the ten years which inter 
vened after the death of Theodosius, Peter had 
at least a specious pretext for thus increasing 
IV. 41. the power of his party. At his death, Damianus, 
a Syrian, was elected, and equally in John s eyes 
was a usurper, appointed contrary to all church 
laws, and moreover he describes him as an illite- 


rate and unwise man. Of this he gave a proof in 
conceiving the vain and foolish idea of journeying 
to Syria, and appointing, in violation of the in 
junctions of the canons, a patriarch of Antioch in 
the place of Paul while he was yet alive ; in imi 
tation, as it seemed, of his own appointment and 
that of his predecessor, after another had been 
nominated to the see, even Theodore, and had 
written his synodical letters to Alexandria ; 
whereupon the Alexandrians became furious, and 
savagely and barbarously were stirred up in hot 
wrath, and consecrated Peter, a deacon, and a 
simple and unlearned man, whose name they 
used for their own purposes as they chose. And 
so there were two patriarchs at one time upon 
the same throne, and Peter therefore and Dami- 
anus his successor were often spoken of as adul 
terers, who had entered in and defiled another 
man s wife. As though his purpose then had 
been to hide his own shame in occupying a 
throne, of which Theodore, who was consecrated 
even before Peter, was the rightful owner, Dami- 
anus formed the plan of appointing another pa 
triarch for Syria while Paul was still alive, that 
there might be found among them a parallel case 
to that of which the shame rested upon himself. 
On his arrival therefore he summoned the Syrian 
bishops, and urged them to join him in appoint 
ing a patriarch of Antioch : but several of them, 
out of regard to the canons, declined, saying, 
* Until Paul has been summoned, and tried and 
convicted of the offence laid to his charge, and 


condemned and canonically deposed, we cannot 
consent to appoint another in addition to him. 
Nor must he be only canonically condemned, but 
also excommunicated. But others agreed with 
Damianus, and consented to join In making an 
other patriarch. They found, however, great dif 
ficulty in prevailing upon any one to allow him 
self to be appointed : for the first and second to 
whom they proposed it said, As long as the man 
is alive, and has not been cited and tried accord 
ing to the canons, and condemned and deposed, I 
for my part cannot consent to be set in his place ; 
for possibly the end would be, that I should my 
self be deposed/ At length, how r ever, they found 
a silly man like themselves, named Severus ; and 
Damianus, in company with two other bishops, 
took him with him, and entered Antioch by 
night ; and sent secretly to the sexton of the 
church of Cassian, and promised to give him 
eighteen darics if he would leave the church 
open, that they might enter at night, and conse 
crate Severus there. And when the sexton had 
accepted their offer, and promised them his help, 
and they now felt confident of success, and every 
thing was ready, the news got abroad that they 
were about to consecrate some one or other by 
stratagem : and information being given to the 
patriarch* of the city, he immediately sent orders 

x By the patriarch is probably meant not Paul, but the syno- 
dite patriarch, as Paul would not have had power sufficient for 
the purpose. In the next chapter it is certainly the synodite pa- 
trian-h \\lio is described in similar terms. 


for their arrest. They surrounded the house 
therefore, in which they were, and having effected 
an entrance, seized upon three monks, but Da- 
mianus and his bishops and some others managed 
to descend into the latrina, and thence scrambled 
out by a window at the back, and so made good 
their escape, but with both their persons and 
their dress all covered with filth and ordure. The 
names of those who escaped in this distressing 
manner were Damianus himself, and Sergius the 
single-browed > , and George Sarcabinus, and the 
bishops who were to have joined in the consecra 
tion, and Severus,the intended patriarch: and they 
were more ashamed at having had to encounter 
this uncleanness than at the failure of their deep- 
laid plans. As for the monks who were arrested, 
they brought them to the patriarch, and he had 
them hung up and bitterly tortured, until they 
acknowledged every thing they had been about to 
do. Having confessed therefore about Damianus, 
and his party, orders were sent everywhere for 
their arrest, but they succeeded in making their 
escape. They confessed also about the sexton, 
and he was brought, and acknowledged his guilt, 
and was tortured even worse than the monks 
were, and his goods pillaged. Damianus, on his- 
escape, made his way in disguise to Constanti 
nople, just before the meeting wtis held for the 

> He is called * Sergius Anophitor, that is, l^co^o, one whose 
eyebrows meet : whether Anophitor is the corruption of some 
Greek word, formed perhaps from awfypva&nai, I must leave to 
others to settle. 


establishment of unity ; and by the zealous ser 
vices of certain who were anxious for peace, he 
was introduced by night to the illustrious Mondir, 
and they conversed with one another, and he 
promised that he would do his best to bring 
about a reconciliation, and assent to it himself. 
And after holding interviews with a few persons, 
he withdrew secretly, and arrived at Alexandria : 
it was said, however, that he had made bishops 
even at the capital. 

IV. 42. The Alexandrian clergy who had been present 
at this meeting were at Constantinople under 
arrest, together with many laymen of note, and 
Mondir now offered his intercessions in their be 
half with the merciful king Tiberius, and he let 
them go ; and not content with this, Mondir 
made them handsome presents because they had 
consented to a reconciliation, and they left with 
joy, and went on board, and returned to their 
city. And subsequently the illustrious Mondir 
begged that he might himself be permitted to 
leave, having first interceded with Tiberius also 
for the peace of the church, and begged that all 
persecution of Christians might cease. And he 
further promised on oath, that if Tiberius would 
cease from all military proceedings, he would 
immediately make peace. And upon this pro 
mise Tiberius dismissed him with great honours, 
and kingly presents of gold and silver, and mag 
nificent dresses, and saddles, and bridles of gold, 
and armour. And besides all this, he also gave 
^ him a royal crown, the right of wearing which 


had never hitherto been conceded to any of the 
chiefs of the Arabs, but only leave to put on 
their heads a simple circlet. And thus then he 
was sent away, and departed with great pomp 
and joyfulness. And on his arrival at Antioch, 
he was similarly received there ; and supported 
by the express wishes of the king, and his pro 
mises and oaths for the union of the church ; and 
by his orders that the persecution should cease, 
he gave notice thereof to the patriarch and other 
officers of the city : and the patriarch imme 
diately gave orders, and letters were written to 
the provinces, enjoining that no one should ven 
ture upon persecuting others ; for that the king 
had commanded and wished peace to be made. 
And so for a short time the persecution was 
stilled. But when news of this reached the 
Dyophysites at the capital, they were very angry 
with Mondir, and went and accused him harshly 
before the king, but he would not listen to them. 
Now while Mondir was on his road, those hos 
tile Arab tribes who were subject to the Per 
sians, having imagined that his detention at the 
capital would be indefinitely prolonged, gathered 
themselves together, and supposing him to be far 
away, marched in company with the Persians 
into his territories to attack his sons and bro 
thers, hoping to fall upon them and slay and 
take them captive. But at the very moment 
when they were drawn up in hostile array, Mon 
dir suddenly arrived, and at once, without their 
expecting it, he gave orders for the attack, and 



fell upon them and slew them until they were 
consumed, and very few escaped from his sword. 
And so his return was a joyful one, and he 
brought with him great spoil, and was extolled 
by every body, and his name magnificently 

IV. 43. The pacification, however, which he had 
wrought in the church was but of short dura 
tion : for no sooner had the Syrian, Damianus, 
returned to his see at Alexandria, than, being 
blamed for making peace with Paul, like one 
more desirous of pleasing men than God, and 
indifferent to the peace of the church, he vio 
lated his word and proved false to the promises 
he had made to the illustrious Mondir, and to 
the rest of the believers of both parties who had 
interceded with him, and turned round and op 
posed Paul, and w T rote anathemas against him, and 
reproaches and contumelies of the harshest kind. 
And not content with this, he even penned a 
circular letter to the same effect, and sent it to 
Syria, and to all other places both in his diocese 
and elsewhere. And these letters were chiefly 
given to those men of turbulent and savage tem 
per, who are Satan s yokefellows, and labourers 
with him, and who instead of gathering with 
Christ scatter abroad. And being thus encou 
raged, they stirred up schisms everywhere and 
disputes and quarrels and all the evils in which 
the devil delights, more vehemently even than 
before. And in thus acting, Damianus was 
guilty of deeds worthy of himself, or even per- 


haps one may not unfitly say, of Satan. And 
the clergy also who were present at the meeting 
held in the capital for the purpose of bringing 
about a reconciliation, imitated his example in 
lying against the Holy Ghost, and proved false 
to their word, though they had been set at 
liberty and escaped from their troubles by the 
earnest intercession of Mondir in their behalf. 
And he had thus exerted himself because in his 
presence, and before a numerous assembly, they 
had promised to be reconciled and join in union, 
and had signed their names to a paper to that 
effect : and thereby had obtained their freedom, 
and escaped from confinement and from prison ; 
and yet afterwards they turned round, and were 
faithless like their fathers/ that is, like their fa- Psalm 
ther Damianus, who was as bad as they were, 
and they equally bad with him. When therefore 
king Mondir returned from battle with his ene 
mies, and learnt their perfidy, and how they had 
changed from truth unto endless falsehood, he 
was very sorrowful : and surprised, moreover, 
and astonished, especially at Damianus 7 circular 
letters, which approached as near as possible to 
utter wickedness. Nor did he even decline the 
trouble of writing to each one of them by name, 
to admonish and reprove them for their falsehood 
against God and himself and the whole church. 
And they, from shame and mortification, would 
not receive his letters, nor would they write an 
answer. And he thereby was greatly offended, 

x 2 


because these letters lit up a flaming furnace of 
anger throughout the church of the believers, 
and multiplied the strife already existing, and 
made their quarrels blaze up more hotly than 
ever without restraint or fear of God s just judg 

IV. 44. For immediately that these letters were re 
ceived in the east, they stirred men up to the 
irregular proceeding of creating a second patri 
arch, as far as the name went, of Antioch, while 
the first had never been publicly condemned as 
the canons direct ; and this gave the mockers an 
opportunity of saying in sport and derision, A 
second patriarch, we suppose, was wanted to 
be nominated for Antioch, because there are 
three /j at Alexandria, to say nothing of him of 
the synodites, and they cannot make game of 
one another. So disorderly and confused was 
all that was done among the believers, because 
their incessant quarrels turned every thing up 
side down. 

IV. 45. They even endeavoured to draw John himself 
into the quarrel, by writing to him at the capital, 
and requesting him to communicate with their 

z By referring to page 77, it will be seen that besides John, 
the catholic patriarch of Alexandria, and Damianus, the Mono- 
physite, there was also one created by the followers of Gaianus, 
or Julianists, as they were indifferently called, because of the 
services of Julianus of Halicarnassus in defending their tenet of 
the incorruptibility of our Lord s body. His name was Doro- 
theus : and Le Quien incorrectly supposes that the Theodosians 
concurred in his election. Oriens Christ, ii. 438. 


new patriarch. For in the year 892 a (A. D. 581), 
the bishops and abbots and clergy of the blessed 
Jacob, after his death, formed the plan of ap 
pointing as their patriarch a layman named 
Peter, son of Paul of the city of Callinicus ; a 
man whom the blessed Jacob twice while he 
lived had endeavoured to raise to that office ; 
and now again, after the death of the saint, they 
were desirous of consecrating him, but he would 
not consent, nor permit it ; for he said, I can 
never agree to be set over a man who has not 
been cited canonically, and condemned and de 
posed according to law/ When, however, they 
proceeded to excommunicate him and eject him 
from the church, he was compelled to give way, 
and went, as was said, to Alexandria, and was 
there elected by Damianus and the rest, and 
named patriarch of Alexandria in addition to 
Paul, while he still lived, and had never been 
condemned by a synod and deposed : so great 
was the corruption and confusion in the church 
of the believers by the instigation and to the de 
light of the devil. And the next scheme they 
formed was for all the abbots who had consented 
to this proceeding to meet together, and draw up 
letters signed by their own hands to John bishop 
of Ephesus, who was dwelling at the capital, to 
invite him to union and communion with them 
and their patriarch, without, however, telling 

a The text has 882, but the previous dates show that it was 
not till A. D. 581 that Peter Callinicus was consecrated. 


him openly the name of him whom they had 
elected. And John at this time, because he 
stood neutral between the two parties, was 
equally the object of blame to both sides, while 
all he could do was to grieve and mourn at the 
disruption occasioned by the envy and rancour 
of the Alexandrians, and the schisms throughout 
the whole church of the believers ; and to ad 
monish them and protest against their doings, 
and entirely refuse to take part with either one 
side or the other, or join in the conflict. And 
when he received these letters, he gave way to 
tears and bitter lamentation at this fresh ruin 
and confusion of the church ; and could he have 
done as he pleased, he would not have answered 
them ; but because a year before they had ad 
dressed other letters to him, and invited him to 
join them, and oppose the other side ; and he 
had refused even to send them a reply, and 
they had mentioned this reproachfully in their 
present epistles, he was obliged to write an an 
swer, though it was one of strong reproof, for 
having violated all canonical order in what they 
had done, and invited him to union and com 
munion with them. And it is only their length 
that prevents him from inserting here both their 
letters to him and the answer which he sent. 
IV. 46. Now let this be known for certain by both 
sides, who are thus embittered against one an 
other by the instigation of the spirit of oppo 
sition, and to all men besides, that in whatsoever 
has been attempted or done by our unworthy 


selves, and in our narrative of the proceedings 
of both parties, we have had no other object than 
the truth s sake, in blaming and condemning 
both sides alike; nor have we written with the 
view of wounding individuals, nor for factious 
purposes ; for, as may be seen, we have directed 
our reproofs and admonitions now against one 
party, and at another time against their oppo 
nents, and have exposed the factiousness and 
irregularity and illegal nature of their several 
proceedings. And this we have done, with our 
own mind full of grief and sorrow, and our eyes 
running down with tears, at the mischief and 
ruin and schism and quarrel and division and 
enmity and scorn and reproach stirred up be 
tween them, to the delight of the enemy of man 
kind. At the sight of these evils, we were con 
strained in sorrow of heart to blame them, be 
cause, being members and children of the same 
faith, they allowed themselves, for insufficient 
reasons, to rush without thought and without 
restraint into these unworthy deeds. And to 
this same effect we wrote at the very commence 
ment of the quarrel, to the leading men person 
ally, and especially to the laborious old man 
Jacob, and repeatedly urged our intercession to 
the very day of his death, in words like these : 
4 1, though but of inferior rank, keeping to the 
laws of the church, and not perceiving any errors 
in matters of faith, will neither abandon thy 
communion, nor that of Paul, because you are at 
variance with one another on canonical grounds, 


which may be true or may be false. And as to 
the other things which, without order or pro 
priety, and contrary to the regulations of the 
church, have been or are now being done, be 
tween you, I warn you, that if you anathematize 
the adherents of Paul, or depose him uncariorii- 
cally; or if Paul so treats you, or the Alexan 
drians; or the Alexandrians HO treat you or Paul; 
for these illegal acts you shall never have part 
or communion with me, until all these things 
have been examined and inquired into in a legal 
and canonical investigation before a synod, and 
it is decided whose actions are in accordance 
with and maintain the laws of the church, and 
whose are at variance with order and propriety/ 
Ten times in separate letters we wrote to this 
effect in person to the blessed Jacob, while he 
was yet alive, and similarly to the rest ; arid on 
this account, while I was full of grief and in- 
cewant sadness of heart, the accusation was 
brought against rrie by both partis, of nourish 
ing opposition against them ; but I call Him to 
witness, Who tries the reins and heart, that I 
take no part either with one side or the other, 
but ranain strictly neutral op to this day, in 
grief and sighs arid sorrow, at all the evils 
wrought by his instigation, who has aitod to sift 
us as wheat, 

IV, 47, As for Paul, the patriarch of evil days, on 
finding that the enmity of the other fUe was so 
inveterate against him, he withdrew in secret, 
and dwelt, as was said, in a cavern in the lofty 

OF JOHN OK KrilKSlS, 318 

mountains of lsaurin h . where ho has continued 
f->r a period of four years, even unto this day. 
\v it hour being soon by any one. except the few 
who make answer for him : for he himself nei 
ther writes to any one nor receives their letters. 
And this has led to complaint and blame against 
him on the part of many, because of his with 
drawing himself* and standing apart from the 
struggle maintained in every province on his 
behalf: and especially because even when his 
violent opponents consecrated another in his 
stead in Svria. yet even so he neither shewed 
himself, nor spake a single word, but still re 
mained at this present moment in concealment 
and silence. 

Meanwhile Theodore, whom we have men- 
tioned above as having been consecrated patri 
arch of Alexandria by Longinns and the rest; 
continued to dwell openly in Alexandria itself, 
observing the customs of his order ; for he had 
previously been a monk, and the head of a mo 
nastery. and in it he still calmly resided, and 
many gathered themselves rvmnd him. And be 
cause of his humility and peaceahleness, no man 
troubled him, or dnwe him from the city, al 
though Oamiauust the successor of Peter, was 
against him; but they let him alone, knowing 
the sweetness of his temper, and that he sakt 



My only care is, that there be no schism or 
disturbance in the church on my account/ In 
process, however, of time, he was grieved in mind 
at the conduct of Paul and Longinus; for Paul 
had hid himself, and paid no attention to any 
thing that w r as done ; and Longinus had tra 
velled still further onward, beyond the people 
of the Nobadse, to whom he had some time be 
fore returned, to another powerful tribe many 
score leagues beyond them, whom the Greeks 
call Alodsei, and who are supposed to be ^Ethio 
pians : but God had helped them, and spoken to 
their king and his princes, and to all the tribes 
under his rule, as we will in due time relate in 
order. But to return now to our former subject 
about Theodore ; for by wishing to shew what 
were the fortunes of Paul and Longinus, our 
narrative has wandered away to a different sub 
ject. Being, as we said, vexed and annoyed at 
them both ; for after coming/ said he, and ex 
posing me to trouble, and getting me away from 
the desert, they have now left me, and neglect 
me, and do not even inquire whether I am alive 
or dead; he wrote several letters expressive of 
his indignation, both to Syria and also to myself, 
and to others at the capital, filled with com 
plaints and vexation. And these he sent by the 
hands of a blessed man, a Stylite , who had been 

c After the example of Simeon Stylites, or the pillar-man, who 
spent most of his life standing on a pillar, which every year was 
raised higher and higher, numerous monks and hermits adopted 


with him in the desert, a person of great worth, 
and who came accompanied by a priest named 
George. And when we had received them, and 
the letters which they brought, and had com 
forted them much, and had also written a re 
proof on this account to the partisans of Paul, a 
violent persecution overtook us, and we were 
hurried away and removed from the city, and 
never saw them again. And subsequently he 
wrote to us again repeating the same complaint, 
upon the same grounds, but we think it best not 
to record it, but pass it over in silence for peace 

For far more pleasing is the subject to which IV. 49. 
we alluded above, namely, the conversion of the 
people whom the Greeks call Alodsei, but whom 
we believe to be ^Ethiopians, to the Christian 
faith. For to repeat some part of our previous 
narrative, it was by the zeal of the late queen 
Theodora that the blessed Julian was originally 
sent to the powerful people called Nobadse, and 
taught both the king and his princes, and most of 
the tribes in his dominions, for a period of two 
years. And on his departure thence, he intrusted 
all that people to a certain Theodore, a very old 
man, and bishop of the city called Philse, situated 
in the further part of the Thebais, on their 

the same method of attaining to distinction : and naturally, for 
Simeon on his pillar became more powerful than any patriarch 
in the East, and all difficult matters, in church and state, were 
referred to his decision, which was received with undoubtiiig faith 
and obedience as something infallible and inspired. 


borders, who went to them, and visited them, 
and gave them counsel, and returned to his own 
city ; and so they continued for a period of 
eighteen years, more or less. And then it was 
that Longinus escaped in disguise, and went to 
them, and taught and instructed them afresh, 
and baptized such of them as had never partaken 
of this rite, and continued with them six years : 
and ambassadors moreover were sent by them to 
the king, and arrived at the capital, and we were 
repeatedly in their company, and heard them 
praising and extolling Longinus in the highest 
terms. And when the people of the Alodsei heard 
of the conversion of the Nobadse, their king sent 
to the king of the Nobadse, requesting him to 
permit the bishop who had taught and baptized 
them, to come and instruct them in like man 
ner. But Longinus had just then received the 
letters from Alexandria, and hastily departed 
into the Roman territories, and fell into all the 
troubles one after another, which we have men 
tioned above. Subsequently, however, the king, 
with great labour and trouble and difficulty, ma 
naged to send ambassadors to him, who prevailed 
upon him to return with them to their territories. 
And the people of Alexandria, in their Satanic 
envy, wishing to set the king and his people 
against him, and turn them away from receiving 
him, drew up a formal act of deposition, ini- 
quitously and against all canonical right, and 
sent it to the king; but he and his people would 
not look at it, or have anything to do with them, 


saying*, We will not receive any one but our spi 
ritual father, who begot us again by a spiritual 
birth ; and all that is said against him by his 
enemies we regard as falsehoods/ And so they 
sent the bearers away, and would have nothing 
to do with them. 

Nevertheless, in spite of this failure, when the IV. 50. 
Alexandrians learnt that the king of the Alodsei 
had despatched a second embassy to the king of 
the Nobadse, requesting him to let them have the 
same Longinus who had taught him, in envy, and 
not in zeal, they sent to that people, in the hope 
of setting them against Longinus, and of teach 
ing them the same corruption and lawlessness of 
which they were themselves guilty. Accordingly, 
they hurriedly drew up a letter to them against 
Longinus, without fear of God, or regard for jus 
tice, being drunk, as it were, with envy, and the 
hatred that was in their hearts, and not reflecting 
that it -was a wrong thing to send to a people in 
the error of heathenism, and who now were ask 
ing to be converted unto Christianity, and to 
learn the fear of God, only confusion and offence, 
and the revilings of Christians against Christians, 
instead of those things which were useful for 
their edification. But, as Scripture says, 4 their Eph. iv. 
mind was darkened, and their reason blinded, l8 
that they could not understand/ and therefore 
they were eager, even under these circumstances, 
to implant hatred and a cause of offence among 
this heathen people, instead of instruction in the 
fear of God ; and with this view they sent letters 


to them against Longinus, the bearers of which 
were two of those bishops, whom, with many 
others, they had consecrated in opposition to 
church laws. And the letters were to this effect : 
4 Inasmuch as we have learnt that ye have request 
ed permission for Longinus, who is in Nubia, to 
come unto you, to baptize you, we have sent you two 
bishops, and other persons, to give you instruc 
tion, that ye may not be baptized by him, for he 
is a heretic, and has been deposed, nor can he 
perform any of the functions of the priesthood, or 
baptize any one/ And much besides they wrote, 
to corrupt them, rather than admonish and in- 
i Sam. struct them. But the Lord turned back the re- 
xxv> 39< compense of Nabal upon his own head; and, as it 
Rom. ix. is written, the heathen, who knew not the law 
of righteousness, attained to the law of righteous 
ness, and were a law to their own selves; but 
Israel, which ran after righteousness, did not at 
tain to it : and this text was fulfilled here : for 
they were rebuked and put to shame by a hea 
then people, who would not receive them, and 
sent them back abashed and ashamed ; for they 
said, We know not who you are, nor can we re 
ceive you, or be baptized by you : but we will re 
ceive him who baptized the Nobadae, and by him 
will we be baptized. And as for what you say of 
him, we do not listen to it : for we see that you 
are his enemies, and speak thus of him from 
envy. Depart, therefore, from our land, that ye 
die not miserably. And thus they had to retire, 
having neither been received themselves, nor 


their words; for God so ordered it, who saw their 
crooked devices, and the perverse spirit which 
had aroused their zeal. 

Meanwhile the king of the Alodsei had, as we iv. 51 
have mentioned, sent a second embassy to the 
king of the Nobadse, requesting that the bishop 
Longinus might be sent to teach and baptize both 
him and his people : and it was plainly visible 
that the conversion of that kingdom was the good 
purpose of the grace of God. The Lord therefore 
stirred up the spirit of Longinus to go to them ; 
and though the Nubians were grieved at being se 
parated from him, they nevertheless sent with him 
nobles and princes and men well acquainted with 
the desert. Upon the journey, however, he became 
ill, as also did his companions : and so great were 
their privations, and the intensity of the heat, 
that, as he mentions in a letter, he lost in the 
desert no less than seventeen camels out of the 
baggage animals which accompanied him. Nor was 
this their only or chief danger ; for between the 
Nobadse and the Alodsei is a country inhabited by 
another people, called the Makoritse d ; and when 
their king heard that Longinus had started on 
his journey, Satan in his envy stirred him up to 
set watchers in all the passes of his kingdom on 
all the roads, both in the mountains and in the 
plains, as far as the sea of weeds , in hopes of ar 
resting Longinus, and so hindering the salvation 

d A district of Nubia still retains their name in its modern 
title of Maqorrah. 

e The sea of weeds is the constant appellation given by all 
Syriac writers to the Red Sea. 


of the powerful people of the Alodsei. But God 
preserved him, and blinded the eyes of those who 
wanted to seize him ; and he passed through 
them, and went on his way, and they saw him 
not. And on his arrival at the borders of the 
kingdom to which he was travelling, the king, as 
he tells us in his letters, on hearing of it, sent 
one of his nobles to meet him, named Aitekia f , 
who received him honourably, and made him 
pass over into their land with great pomp : and 
on approaching nearer, the king went out in per 
son to meet him, and received him with great 
joy. And immediately upon his arrival, he spake 
unto the king and to all his nobles the word of 
God, and they opened their understandings, and 
listened with joy to what he said; and after a few 
days instruction, both the king himself was bap 
tized and all his nobles ; and subsequently, in 
process of time, his people also. And so the king, 
being glad and joyful, wrote a letter of thanks to 
the king of the Nobadse, as follows : 

Letter of the King ofAlodia to the King of the Nubians. 

IV. 52. Thy love is remembered by us, my lord, our 
brother Orfiulos, because thou hast now shown 
thyself my true kinsman, and that not only in 
the body, but also in the spirit, in having sent 
me hither our common spiritual father, who has 
shown me the way of truth, and of the true 

1 This word, }*n^-|, Aitekia, is probably a corruption of the 
Greek name Eutychius. 

g Orfiulo, I^QA^-OJJ is also a corruption of a Greek name, 


light of Christ our God, and has baptized me, 
and my nobles, and all iny family. And in 
every thing the work of Christ is multiplied, and 
I have hope in the holy God, and am desirous 
moreover of doing thy pleasure, and driving thy 
enemies from thy land. For he is not thy 
enemy alone, but also mine : for thy land is my 
land, and thy people my people. Let not thy 
courage therefore fail, but be manful and take 
courage : for it is impossible for me to be care 
less of thee and thy land, especially now that I 
have become a Christian, by the help of my 
father, the holy father Longinus. As we have 
need, however, of church furniture, get some 
ready for us : for I feel certain that thou w r ilt 
send me these things with carefulness, and I will 
make thee an answer : but on the day on which 
I was keeping festival, I did not wish to write, 
lest my letters should fail. Be not anxious then, 
but encourage thyself, and play the man: for 
Christ is with us/ Such then was the letter 
which this new confessor, the king of the Alo- 
dsei, wrote to the king of the Nobadse. And 
next we will also give a short extract from a 
letter of the blessed Longinus, which he wrote 
from that land, and sent to the king of the 
Nobadse, with a request that he would forward 
it to Alexandria : which also he did ; and it is as 
follows : 

4 ... Not then to trouble you with our an- IV. 53. 
noyances, and make the letter tedious, I have 
omitted all such matters, and will tell you, se- 



condly, that which will rejoice all who are real 
Christians, and strict members of the orthodox 
communion : and I do rejoice with you all, and 
will rejoice, and ye in like manner must rejoice 
with me. And, moreover, rejoice with me in 
this, that He Who willeth that every man should 
be saved, and desireth not the death of a sinner, 
such as I am, but forgetteth all my sins, hath 
remembered His mercy and grace towards me, 
and opened for me the door of His mercy, and 
delivered me from those who were hunting after 
my life, and led me safely through them, and 
blinded their eyes that they saw me not. Nor 
were we unvisited by His lovingkindness in 
chastening us, in that all of us, with my un 
worthy self, fell ill, from the greatest even to the 
least ; and I was the first to suffer : for it was but 
right that I should be chastened first, because I 
am guilty of many sins, and many are the of 
fences into which I have fallen. And not only 
did we become ill ourselves, and despaired of our 
safety, but also the animals that were with us 
died, not being able to bear the heat, and the 
thirst in the mountains, and the unwholesome- 
ness of the water, so that we lost no less than 
seventeen camels. And when the king of the 
Alodsei heard that I had determined to come to 
him, he sent one of his princes, named Itika h , 
who led me with great pomp into their land. 

h The carelessness with which John of Ephesus spells is ex 
treme : in this case I have in each place given the name as he 
writes it. 


And on our arrival at the river s bank, we went 
on board a vessel ; and the king hearing of our 
coming rejoiced, and came out in person to meet 
us, and received us with great joy. And by the 
grace of God we taught him, and have baptized 
him and his nobles and all his family ; and the 
work of God grows daily. But inasmuch as 
there are certain Abyssinians, who have fallen 
into the malady of the fancy of Julianus , and 
say, that Christ suffered in a body not capable 
of pain, or of death, we have told them what is 
the correct belief, and have required them to 
anathematize this heresy in writing, and have 
received these persons upon their presenting 
their recantation ..... And again, after some 
things which we have omitted, he thus proceeds ; 
. . . And let all your rulers and people, on learn 
ing these things, offer up with spiritual joy their 
praises and thanksgivings to our merciful God, 
for all these His innumerable gifts ; and let the 
fathers take care that there be sent down hither 
bishops, who will be able to labour and minister 
in this divine work, which is pleasing both to 
God and men, and in the reality of which they 
may feel confident, and that it is going on pro 
sperously. For there are a thousand thousand 
here who are hastening to salvation, to the glory 
of Him Who is the Saviour of us all, even Christ. 

i This is the Julianus of Halicarnassus, repeatedly referred 
to above, as the chief writer in defence of a heresy commonly 
held in the fifth century, of the body of our Lord being incor 



And believe what I say, that a short time ago a 
sort of purpose suggested by the weakness of 
human nature came to me, not to write to any 
one : but when I considered the danger which 
those incur who are negligent in their use of 
spiritual gifts, I have addressed this short letter 
to your spiritual love. For I desire neither sil 
ver, nor gold, nor dresses, as God is my witness, 
Who trieth the hearts of men, and Who knoweth 
all I do, and that I have not bread for my daily 
use, and am even glad to see with my eyes food 
of vegetables only. And thus far then let it 
suffice me to have told you/ This then was 
written by the holy Longinus himself, being ex 
tracts from the letter he sent from the land of 
the Alodsei to the king of the Nobadse, with a 
request that he would forward it to Alexandria, 
which he accordingly did, to Theodore, whom 
Longinus had himself appointed as patriarch : 
and at the same time the king himself sent him 
a letter to inform him of Longinus arrival among 
them, and his subsequent departure, and the 
trials and difficulties which stood in his way, 
and the gracious aid which God in His goodness 
gave him, and so forth ; writing in admiration of 
him, to the following effect : 

Letter of the king of the Nobadce to Theodore of 

Before all things I especially desire your 
health in Christ, my blessed father; and next, 
my purpose is that you should know, that seven 


months ago the king of the powerful people of 
the Alodsei in Ethiopia, sent hither, to obtain 
from me, my holy father, the bishop Longinus, 
to baptize him. And it was done according to 
all that the holy king my father wrote unto me. 
For when I had mentioned the matter to my 
father, he at once readily and with good will 
assented thereto, and in his kindness promised 
to visit them. And every day he urged me on, 
saying, We must not neglect this business, for it 
is of God. But because of the wicked devices of 
him who dwells between us, I mean the king of 
the Makoritse, I sent my saintly father to the 
king of the Blemyes, that he might conduct him 
thither by routes farther inland ; but the Mako- 
rite heard also of this, and set people on the look 
out in all the passes of his kingdom, both in the 
mountains and in the plains, and as far as the 
sea of weeds, wishing to lay hands on my father, 
and put a stop to the good work of God, as my 
father has written hither to tell me. And great 
was the wearisomeness and the bitter trials of 
soul and body which he endured in the land of 
the Blemyes, together with extreme privation 
and want. And yet even so the wicked de 
vices of his enemy could not hinder the readi 
ness of my saintly father in doing the work of 
God ; and the Lord our God directed his ways 
and ordered his paths so that he travelled safely 
over long tracks of country, and escaped the 
strong garrisons set in his way, although he lost 
his retinue of camels and the other beasts of 


burden with him. But God helped him, and de 
livered him, and he arrived at the land, and was 
joyfully received by the king and all the people ; 
and he taught and baptized them, as we learn 
from the letter which he has sent hither. And 
this further you must know, how God the Lord 
of all has been with my father, and accompanied 
him, that ye may wonder greatly at what he has 
done unto him. For when the king, my uncle, 
and his royal ancestors used to send an embassy 
to that kingdom, the ambassador generally took 
eight or ten years in going and returning. But 
when my holy father went thither, within two 
hundred days he sent an embassy to us from the 
king, whereas many of my former ambassadors 
had never returned hither at all. And not to 
make my account too long, my father has sent 
me hither letters which I was to forward to you ; 
and see, I have sent them by his ambassador; 
and in them he has given us an account of all 
that has happened to him, and all that he has 
done. And the news which his messenger has 
brought us, you must make known ; for it would 
not be right in your excellency to conceal and 
neglect all these matters : rather your holiness 
ought to aid my saintly father by your pious 
prayers/ Now this portion of the letter of the 
king of the Nobadae we insert here in confirma 
tion of our narrative, because he bears witness 
to the whole of this providential history ; and he 
wrote two others to the same effect, which we 
have not been able to insert for fear of making 


our story too long. And inasmuch as the main 
purport of this divine transaction is made known 
to every one, and declared by means of these 
two letters of the bishop and the king, we have 
determined not to lengthen the narrative by 
adding anything of our own, except to apply to 
these things, in token of our praise and admira 
tion, the word of our Saviour, which says, Verily, Matt. 
I say unto you, that this good news of the king- XX1V> I4> 
dom shall be preached unto all the nations, and 
then shall the end be/ And these things then, 
which are now recorded by us, were done by the 
help of God in the year 891 (A. D. 580). 

But to return now to the thread of our former iv. 54. 
narrative, when above we mentioned the flight 
and concealment of Paul the patriarch, we said, 
as we believed ourselves, and as men generally 
supposed to be the case, that he had hid himself 
in a cave in the mountains of Isauria. But, as 
the fact finally proves, according to the assertion 
of those who find pleasure in investigating any 
thing thoroughly, during the four years in which 
he was out of sight, and was supposed to be hid 
in the mountains of Isauria, he really was con 
cealed in the mountains near the capital. And 
though we were dwelling there, we were entirely 
unacquainted with the fact of his being so near 
us, nor did any one disclose it to us until his 
death. And those who were in his confidence 
imagined that even this was kept secret from us, 
and from men generally, and that three persons 


alone knew of his burial; but in so supposing 

they forgot the word of the Lord, which says, 

Matt. x. that there is nothing secret which shall not be 


IV. 55. Paul s continued silence had been a source 
of great grief to Theodore ; for during these 
four years he had never received an answer from 
him, though he had often written. And Longi- 
nus too, who had consecrated him, had gone far 
away unto those tribes who had been christian 
ized by him in further Ethiopia, and so Theodore 
was left without consolation on all sides. He 
determined, therefore, upon writing a circular 
letter to all the partisans of Paul, complaining 
and lamenting that he so neglected and despised 
him. And this he sent by two of his priests, Avho 
came to the capital ; and on their arrival, their 
complaints and murmurs made the fact of Paul s 
concealment more generally known. And many 
were annoyed, and blamed Paul, and wrote 
wherever they thought he was, but he could not 
be found. And with much excuse and consola 
tion, the priests were next sent to the island of 
Cyprus, because there were some of Paul s bi 
shops there ; and finally they returned to Theo 
dore without having gained any thing by their 
journey. And he was still more distressed, and 
finally started for Cyprus himself in person. 
iv. 56. For when pope Theodore saw that he got no 
answer, either by letters or by the persons whom 
he sent, he determined to embark on board a 
vessel, and sail himself to the island of Cyprus. 


But he did not find Paul, but only some of his 
bishops, and though much discussion took place 
between them, still he could not discover where 
Paul was : two of the bishops, however, accom 
panied him back to Alexandria. And so he re 
turned disappointed and vexed ; for he did not 
believe what they said, that Paul was neither 
there nor in Cilicia, and that he could not see 
him. But, as was subsequently proved, during 
all this period of four years, in which no one saw 
him, and they had spread abroad the report that 
he lay hid in a cave in the mountains of Cilicia 
and Isauria, he really was dwelling in conceal 
ment in the capital, and but very few were privy 
to his secret. And there his end overtook him, 
of which we will now give a more particular 

For while, as men thought, Paul was in the re- IV. 57, 
gions of the East, he really spent these four years 
in concealment in a mountain near the capital, 
as every one became aware at his death, though 
even then those who took care of him did their 
best to conceal it, and would not even have had 
it known that he was mortal. For after, as w r as 
said and proved, he had come to this city with 
the privity of a few members of his party, and 
had lain concealed with certain of them during 
all these years, suddenly he fell into a serious 
illness, and after a short time died. And great 
alarm and extreme terror fell upon them, lest if 
those in power should hear that he had been hid 
either in their houses or with their knowledge, they 


should get into danger on his account; and there 
fore they fetched three individuals only of those 
presbyters who were in communion with him, 
and exacted of them a solemn oath, that they 
would not tell any one that it was the remains 
of the patriarch Paul, but bade them say, if the 
truth were suspected, that an aged stranger, 
named Christopher, had come to the city, and 
died there. And this the three presbyters did, 
and took him up by night, with his face cover 
ed, and carried him for burial to a certain con 
vent. And when the nuns heard their request to 
bury him, they were terrified, saying, We cannot 
receive a corpse at night, in the dark, without 
knowing who it is, or whether it may not be 
some person who has been murdered ; for we 
shall get into trouble/ And when they earnestly 
besought them, saying, It is a great and right 
eous man, and a foreigner ; be not afraid : they 
were at length prevailed upon to admit him. 
And they brought him in, with a covering over 
his face, and began in great haste and hurry to 
let him down into the catacombs : but the nuns 
were angry, and said, If it is as ye affirm, and 
your words are true, that he is a great and right 
eous man, let us celebrate over him the proper 
service for the dead, and uncover his face, that 
we may see him, and bury him, and be blessed 
by him : and then ye shall let him down into the 
grave. But they hastily wound him up in the 
graveclothes, and buried him, saying, Let us let 
him down at once, and go ; for we are in haste. 


And so they buried him with the burial of an 
ass k , without any regard to decency, and went 
their way. And the nuns, who were more than 
a hundred and fifty in number, fell into many 
conjectures, and spread abroad various stories; 
and many different opinions were held, not only 
in the capital and in Syria, but also at Alexan 
dria and everywhere else; but it was the general 
belief that it was Paul who was dead, though the 
three presbyters still stoutly affirmed and swore 
that it was another who had died, and not my 
lord Paul our patriarch. But all the orthodox at 
the capital, who acknowledged him as patriarch, 
were very indignant and angry that the secret of 
his death had been revealed to three of them, 
and kept secret from the rest ; and many finally 
ceased to mention even Paul himself with love, 
and especially when they learnt that his arrival 
and residence in the capital, and death, had been 
concealed from them, and confided to three only 
of their number. But those who were privy to 
the secret still swore by a lying artifice that Paul 
was not dead, but alive ; imagining that by so 
doing his opponents would not be able to rejoice. 
And for a whole year this dispute continued, and 
his name, as though he were alive, was pro 
claimed in the diptychs of the living, in the vain 
idea that his death would not be known as a cer 
tain fact, whereas really everybody did know it. 

k That is, without any religious service being performed over 
his remains. 


IV. 58. And here our historian feels himself bound to 
make some solemn reflections upon the troubled 
deaths, one after another, of these two saints, 
Jacob and Paul, whose quarrel had led to so wide 
spread a schism, and so bitter a dissension in the 
persecuted church of the believers. For no one, 
he says, can help wondering and clapping his 
hands, who considers how strikingly and sud 
denly and ignominiously they were taken from 
this present life, and made their exit from this 
world. For, first of all, the blessed Jacob, in the 
very heat of their quarrel and dispute, taking 
two other bishops with him and a number of 
monks, hurriedly hastened to Alexandria: but 
what was the purpose of his journey was kept a 
secret, and men held various opinions about "it, 
some this and some that. But He Whose provi 
dence watches over the good of His creatures, 
saw perchance and knew that it was neither for 
his own good nor that of the church, and there 
fore hindered and prevented and forbade his ar 
rival. Now a report, which some have spread 
abroad of him and his company, is, that when 
they had reached the sea, and begun their voyage, 
a violent storm arose, and their ship sunk, and 
all perished in the sea, and their corpses were 
never found. But evidently none can ever know 
whether this be true. And others, who zealously 
defend his memory, say, that even if the storm 
really happened, their ship did not sink, but they 
were thrown on land, and arrived at the borders 
of Egypt, and reached a monastery in the desert, 


called by the name of Cassian. And within three 
days after their arrival there, the two bishops 
first died, and then my lord Jacob, and then one 
of his deacons, all four together, one after an 
other. And which of these stories is true, God 
knows ; but we cannot say for certain. After 
then an interval of two or three years, the burial 
of Paul took place, in the confusion and absence 
of all right order, which we have briefly described 
in the previous chapter, and in secret, as those 
thought, who were the doers of it. And of these 
things what ought we to think and write, except 
to lament unto God with the prophet in sorrow 
and with sighs, and say, If our sins testify Jer. xiv. 
against us, Lord have mercy for Thy name sake : 7> 
for great is Thy goodness, and we have sinned 
against thee/ 

The death of the two leaders led to various IV. 59. 
attempts at healing the schism in the church: 
for on both sides men arose, and spake to one 
another about a reconciliation, but not in an 
upright manner, and with due regard to hu 
mility and the fear of God, but proudly and 
haughtily, each side thinking that it was the 
head, and that its neighbour was the tail; and 
that it was high and exalted, and pure and free 
from blame, while it sought to keep the other 
down, and make it take an inferior place. And 
each side threw upon the other the blame of 
causing all these evils and schisms and divisions, 
and each vaunted itself over the other, and 
swelled with pride, as though it was to receive 


the other as a penitent, and upon submission; 
for they had yielded themselves up to the teach 
ing and malignity of the devil, who embittered 
them, and set them against one other, and so 
their path never led them to success. 
IV. 60. Peter alone, who had been made against his 
will patriarch of Syria, in Paul s place, endea 
voured, with something like sincerity, to .bring- 
about a reconciliation : for even while Paul lived, 
being reproved by his own conscience, and by 
many also of his contemporaries, for having un- 
canonically occupied the throne of another while 
he was yet alive in the body, when finally the 
two parties began speaking to one another of a 
reconciliation ; and those on Paul s side unani 
mously rebuked Peter, because, in Paul s life- 
Phil, i.i 8. time, he had set himself above him, Peter, whe 
ther in pretence or in truth, or by cunning arti 
fice, I know not, but certainly he began to say; 
Let there be no quarrel on my account : I will 
withdraw, and dwell in retirement: be ye then 
reconciled one side with the other : and appoint 
whomsoever ye shall in concert choose in my 
place, and so let there be union between you. 
And when what he said pleased many, as bear 
ing the appearance of humility and gentleness, 
others rebuked him even to his face, and called 
out reproachfully, 4 Thou sayest this deceitfully, 
and in craft, and not honestly out of a pure 
heart: for thou knowest that those on thy side 
who set thee up, will never abandon thee : and 
besides, thou wilt make an excuse of Alexandria. 


And when he heard this, and much besides, from 
many of them, to shew that he really was de 
sirous of union, he arose, and took with him 
some of his partisans, and went to Alexandria, 
to urge them also, and Damianus, whom they 
had set over them as their head, to union. And 
after many matters had been mooted and dis 
cussed between them, it seemed, according to the 
word of the apostle quoted above, whether in 
pretence or in truth, that while he had spoken 
and argued much for union, they had resisted 
him, and would not listen to what he said : and 
so, as it seemed, he went away in vexation. 
But some thought that this was done artfully, 
and by cunning : but God, Who trieth the mind 
and heart, knoweth what is the real truth in 
these things. Because, however, they parted in 
peace with one another, therefore some con 
cluded, that he had gone thither and back under 
a false pretence : especially because afterwards 
he stood firm in the quarrel, and said, I shall do 
nothing without the Alexandrians. 

Subsequently, for the space of a whole year IV. 61 
more or less, meetings on both sides of bishops 
and monks and others were held, in which they 
debated with one another, assembling now in one 
place, and now in another, and going to and fro, 
and sending messages, and exacting heavy and 
severe stipulations of one another, and treating 
one another, as we mentioned above, haughtily 
and despotically, and not in a friendly manner, 


and with brotherly love. And these stipulations 
they exacted first of all by messengers, who 
went to and fro, but subsequently in a more 
formal manner in writings, which they drew up 
to bind one another. But no sooner had a meet 
ing risen and broken up, than there were found 
quarrelsome and litigious men, both of their 
number who had been present at the meeting, 
and others as well, who hindered peace, and put 
fresh causes of quarrel between the two parties ; 
and giving themselves up to the spirit of oppo 
sition, they tore to pieces even the written con 
ditions which they had mutually adopted, and 
circulated written attacks on one another, both 
to the capital, and the East and West, each one 
thinking his own the victorious side, and reviling 
the other, and accusing it, and often falsely, of 
every thing that would lead to the idea that it 
was in the wrong. And these mutual slanders 
they have often sent to me and others in the 
capital in the form of official deeds, and have not 
only refused to be the ambassadors of peace to 
one another, but have persisted in this division 
and schism and quarrel and opposition to one 
another, even to this day, and lived in a tempest 
of passion, such as gives pleasure to Satan, who 
asks for us, that he may sift us as wheat : and 
by the false and disorderly dealing of both sides 
alike, who have refused to approach one another 
in the wish to examine dispassionately, in the 
fear of God, into the points in dispute, he has 


gained his end, and now dances with joy, in 
company with all his herds and hosts of devils, 
and rejoices in their mutual deeds. 

Of these events then, we have briefly recorded 
the sum, not entering into all particulars, because 
of their too great length, from their commence 
ment down to the present year, 896, (A.D. 585). 

End of Book the Fourth ; in which are contained 
sixty-one chapters. 






AS the names and districts mentioned in the foregoing narra 
tive of the conversion of Nubia will probably be unknown to 
many of my readers, I have collected such traces of them as are 
to be found in Hitter s Erdkunde, Afrika, vol. i. ; Quatremere s 
Memoires sur TEgypte, and recent books of travels : and must 
also mention my obligations to Dr. Land, who has put many of 
these particulars into a clear and connected form. 

While the countries to the north and south were early brought 
under the influence of Christianity, Nubia remained, owing to 
its physical conformation, a sealed land until the sixth century. 
From Alexandria, which claimed St. Mark as its first patriarch, 
the faith had quickly spread throughout Egypt, and as its deserts 
formed the refuge of the persecuted and oppressed, as well as of 
those who hoped to find in the monastic life closer communion 
with God, there was no portion of it which was not more or less 
completely occupied by Christians at a very early period. To 
the south, Abyssinia also venerated one of Apostolic times as the 
introducer there of Christianity, and in A. D. 330 we have satis 
factory historical evidence to prove that the piety and activity of 
Frumentius had carried the knowledge of the Gospel into every 
district of that land : but century after century elapsed before 
the name of Christ was heard in the intermediate region, except 
by the report of occasional merchants, or the hearsay of the am 
bassadors, who were yearly sent by the Nobades and Blemyes to 
Philae to swear there not to plunder the Roman lands, and re- 


ceive in return their animal subsidy. The reason of this seclu 
sion of Nubia from the zeal of Christian missionaries is to be 
found, as I have mentioned, in the physical formation of the 
country. South of Syene, from the first to the second cataract, 
extends a narrow valley, hemmed in on both sides by wastes of 
sand, capable of being traversed only by camels : but up the Nile 
travelling is still comparatively easy until the second cataract is 
reached. There not only is the channel of the river obstructed 
by a multitude of rocks, which render navigation impossible, but 
on each bank extends a district of steep and rugged precipices, 
which scarcely can be crossed with the consent of the natives ; 
and, should they offer any resistance, a few men can oppose with 
success the progress of a numerous army. This region the Arabs 
call Batn-al-Hagar, the bosom of rocks ; and its vast extent, 
both to the east and west, and the rugged nature of the surface, 
no longer practicable for camels like the previous wastes of sand, 
renders it one of the most impenetrable mountain fastnesses upon 
the face of the globe. At this rocky barrier commenced the 
country of the Nobades, from whom the whole region is now 
called Nubia, but whose dominions did not reach far beyond the 
third cataract, in the neighbourhood of which alone they pos 
sessed a district of somewhat level and fertile ground. As the 
Nile, a little below Syene, forms a deep bay, flowing first of all 
for several days journey in a westerly direction, and then south 
ward, until it has passed Dongola, where it turns sharply round, 
and for many scores of leagues doubles back towards the north 
east, until finally half-way between the fourth and fifth cataract 
it resumes its original course, this rocky district is generally 
avoided by modern travellers, who take the direct route by land 
across the deserts between the Nile and the Ked Sea. The nar 
row valley, which I have described above as lying between Syene 
and the second cataract, about seven days journey in length, 
originally belonged to the Romans, but Diocletian withdrew their 
garrisons, and invited the Nobades to occupy it, upon condition 
of their protecting Egypt from the incursions of the Blemyes ; 
as a further inducement to which, they were to receive a yearly 
subsidy, and still more to secure the fair fields of Egypt from 


these marauders, he offered the Blerayes themselves a similar 
payment, upon condition of their abstaining from their ravages : 
and finally, at a subsequent period, the ambassadors of the two 
tribes went every year to Philse, where they swore to observe the 
terms of the contract in the temple of Isis, and received the 
covenanted sum. The result was such as might have been ex 
pected ; for, secure in their fastnesses, the barbarians were con 
stantly tempted by the prospect of immediate plunder to violate 
the Roman territories, and Diocletian was himself obliged to 
fortify the island of Philse, and place a garrison there, and build 
also extensive works on each bank of the river. Upon the wall 
round Philse one of the inscriptions is found commemorating 
bishop Theodore. In the sixth century it will appear that the 
Blemyes possessed the narrow Nile valley south of Syene, and 
that the Nobades had been driven back to their mountain for 

To the south, a district of swamp and morass still more com 
pletely isolated Nubia from Abyssinia. In these dreary marshes 
the Bahr-al-Aswad, or Black Nile, takes its rise, and forms the 
eastern boundary of the people called by John of Ephesus the 
Alodseans. On their western limit flowed the Bahr-al-Asrek, or 
Blue Nile ; and as the southern marshes completely separate 
them from Abyssinia, their territory is constantly described as 
an island, and by the Greeks was called Meroe. Their capital, 
Sobah, erroneously styled Sou iah by Quatremere, (i. e. Xj .** for 
XJ^AV : cf. Burckhardt, p. 530.) was situated near the confluence 
of the third great branch of the Nile, the Bahr-al-Abiud, or 
white river, with the Bahr-al-Azrek. This region still bears the 
name of Alouah, and its king, according to the Arabic authorities 
of Quatremere, is more powerful, and has larger armies, and 
more horses than the king of Makorrah, and his territory is 
more extensive and of greater fertility. The people are Jacobite 
Christians, and their bishops pay allegiance to Alexandria. Their 
religious books are in Greek, which the priests translate into the 
language of the natives. Alonah is a vast tract of level land, and 
of extreme fertility. 

Between the Alodaeans and the Nobades dwelt the Makoritae, 
occupying the bay of the Nile from the third to the fifth cataract, 


with Doiigola as their centre : while the deserts as far as the 
Red Sea were held by the predatory tribes of the Blemyes. The 
vast number of allusions to them in ancient times collected by 
Quatremere, t. ii. 128-132, suffice to shew the extremely har- 
rassing nature of their inroads, and the vast tract of country 
over which they wandered. In Arabic times they still retained 
their marauding habits, and appear under the name of Bedjah as 
the worst enemies of Egypt. One of the most interesting traces 
of them occurs in Evagrius, who gives an account of the heretic 
Nestorius falling into their hands in one of their incursions into 

The same inaccessibility of the land which had long closed it 
against Christianity, served for its protection in the rapid pro 
gress soon afterwards of the Moslem arms. Tt is true that the 
Arabs entered the country in the 2oth or 2ist year of the Hejira 
A. D. 641, but the flight of the Christians thither from Egypt 
for refuge, more than served as a counterpoise to the injuries in 
flicted upon them by the invaders. We find therefore the whole 
country overspread with Christian bishoprics, lists of which are 
still preserved, (conf. Wansleb, Histoire de Veglise d Akx.), and 
among them the names of the chief districts into which Nubia 
Christiana is divided are Noubadia, Aloodia, Makouria, and Ni- 
exemetes, i. e. Axumitis, the ancient name of Abyssinia, so called 
from its capital Axum. 

In modern times the whole of this region has been carefully 
examined, and the inscriptions on its buildings and rocks copied 
both by the members of the commission sent out by the French 
government, and also by individual travellers ; and the results, 
as far as regards our subject, have been ably summed up by 
M. Letronne, in three essays contained in his Materiaux pow 
Vhistoire du Christianisme en Egypt, en Nubie, et en Abyssinie, 
4to. Paris, 1832. I find in it no less than four inscriptions com 
memorating Theodore, bishop of Philse, whose name appears so 
often in our historian s narrative. 

Three of these inscriptions are found on a wall in the temple 
of Isis, the pronaos of which was turned in Theodore s time into 


a Christian church. The naos, with its numerous small apart 
ments, was unfitted for the publicity of Christian worship, and 
therefore the roomy pronaos was chosen in its stead. That this 
conversion took place subsequently to Justinian s time appears 
from the fact that that emperor renewed Diocletian s compact 
with the Nobades and Blemyes, and exacted from them an oath 
in this very temple of Isis. The bishop s alterations were not 
exactly such as would have pleased the aesthetic tendencies of an 
architectural society ; for having taken a pillar of red Egyptian 
granite covered with bas reliefs for the altar, he had both it and 
the whole pronaos covered over with a coating of plaster, which 
not only protected his flock from having their minds occupied 
during the hours of Christian service with the familiar emblems 
of idol worship, but has also admirably served to protect these 
sculptures from injury, and keep them unharmed to the present 
day. Upon the interior of the entrance leading from the naos 
into the pronaos two of the inscriptions commemorating the 
alterations are found, one on each side, as follows : 


TOVTO TO epyov 

cytVfTO 771 TOV 

naTpos f)na)V ana 

This work was done in the time of our father, abbot (ana for 
n/3/35) Theodore, the bishop. 


*al TOVTO dyaQbv 
tpyov eyevcTO 

tnl TOV 6o~lU>TO.TOV 

naTps jptov fnio~K. 
ana 0eo5a>pou 6 fls 

fn p.r)Kio~Tov 

( This good work was done when our most holy father, abbot 


Theodore, was bishop. May God preserve him for a very long 

In this inscription Letronne gives O6O ; but plainly the read 
ing should be O6C, i. e. 6 6s, contracted for 6 debs, as the capital 
C differs from O only in not being a complete circle. 

The third inscription was found just inside the outer entrance, 
near an image of St. Stephan, who had taken the place of the 
Egyptian Isis ; and is as follows : 


T [??J T v SecrTTorov f)fj,)v Xptoroi) <pi\av 
[0pa>]7rta nfTavxTI [*] Ticra/iei/os 6 6fo 
[(^iXJeararoy ana Qeodwpos fnioncoTros 
TO iepwv TOVTO els TOTTOV ayiov 2re 
(pdvov eV aya$a> ev dvvdfj.ei Xptorou 
eVt rou euXa/Secrrarov Hocriov Sianovov 

May abbot Theodore the bishop most beloved of God share in 
the loving kindness of our master Christ for having made this 
temple [iepa>v=icpov] into a place dedicated to S. Stephan. May 
a blessing rest upon it. It was accomplished by the aid of 
Christ when the most pious deacon Posias was provost. 

KTia-dpevos evidently refers to the plastering and repairs neces 
sary for converting the pronaos into a church. The long o> in 
itpa>v is a mere mistake of the provincial sculptor. Posias, the 
provost of the college of deacons, has the honour of being men 
tioned, because the funds came through his hands, as it was 
usual for the oiVoz/o /zos or manager of the ecclesiastical revenues 
to belong to that order. 

Two crosses which occur in this inscription are remarkable for 
not being true crosses, but imitations of the Egyptian symbol, 
called the crux ansata. Christians noticed this symbol on Egyp 
tian temples, and regarded it as a prophetic intimation of their 
future use, and therefore preserved it upon converting them into 
churches. Sozomen, vii. 15. 298, mentions the wonder with 
which Christians observed the repetition of this symbol upon the 
walls of the temple of Serapis at its destruction. 


The fourth inscription was found by M. Lenormant, carved on 
a wall of the quay on the south-east of the isle, forming part of 
the fortifications erected by Diocletian, but renewed and restored 
in Theodore s time. It is as follows : 


777 TOV d(O~nOTOV Oil TTpOVOiq Kal TV^T] Ttt>V 

vo~ef3co-TaTa)V f]p,)V dfo-rroTav <J>Xa. lovor/i/ov 
Kol AiXiay ~2o<pias atawW Avyov<rra)V Kal avTo 
KpaTopcav Kal TOV deofpvXaKTov Kaio~epos Tt/3epiou 
Neou Ka)vo~TavTivov Kal (ptXavdpania. GcoScopou TOV 
Trai/etxp^/zou dfKovpicovos Kal SOVKOS Kal avyovo~Ta\ 
ov TTJS Qrjftaiav ^copas .... Troa dvKTi<rdr) TO reT^os TOVTO 
ls TWV ayluiv paprvpoov Kal TOV ocncorarou d/3/3a GeoScopa 

fK o Trovo rjs Kal jmtUBtUU M.rjva TOV Xa/irrporarov Xapi ou TIJS 
Ird^lfcos FeVl ^v\ XoVaK ^r] IvdiKTiaivos ta eV dya^ai. 

By the providence of our Lord God, and the fortune of our 
most pious lords, Flavius Justinus and JElia Sophia, perpetual 
Augusti, and emperors, and of the God-defended Caesar Tiberius, 
the new Coustantine, and by the kindness of Theodore the most 
praiseworthy decurion and duke and augustal of the Theban dis 
trict, this wall was rebuilt in answer to the prayers of the holy 
martyrs, and of the most saintly abbot Theodore the bishop, by 
the care and goodness of Menas, the most illustrious chartulary 
of the ducal archives, on the i8th of the month Choeak, in the 
eleventh indiction. May a blessing rest upon it. 

The date represents Dec. 14, A. D. 577, the year before Justin 
died. AvyovcTTaXov is an error for Avyovo-Ta\iov, and until Justin 
ian s time this epithet, which is equivalent to imperial, was con 
fined to the prefect of all Egypt : it is now given to the duke of 
the Thebaid. 

So also, in the days of Athanasius, the duke of Egypt was only 
Xa/iTrporciToy, he is now navfixprjp.os, an epithet which often occurs 
at this period in S. Nilus, Hesychius, &c., while XafiTrpdraros de 
scends to the chartulary. The title decurion seems beneath the 
duke s rank, as we find it applied to inferior military o.l cers, and 
even to the magistrates of municipal towns. But Lctrounc thinks 


Egypt may then have had ten nomes. . . . noa is probably in 
correctly copied, as it is difficult to suggest any word of which it 
can have formed a part. Aapiov evidently is put for xaprouXap/ou, 
but whether the sculptor omitted one half by accident, or whe 
ther the title was shortened down in the vernacular of Philae, is 
uncertain. Possibly, however, the correct reading is Xa/Lwrpo~, and 
the copyist, instead of carefully decyphering what followed, 
XAPTOY, took it for granted that it was TATOY. H rdgis at this 
time was equal to TO. raxriKa, the public archives. 

The solemnity of the inscription makes it evident that it com 
memorates the rebuilding of the entire wall : the necessity of 
which possibly was due to the hostility of the Blemyes, excited 
by the conversion of the temple of Isis to Christian uses. Hence 
the piety of the inscription, the reference to the prayers of the 
martyrs, &c. Shortly afterwards this danger was removed by 
the Blemyes being expelled by the converted Nobades from the 
Nile valley, and the people of Philse had Christian neighbours. 

We are informed of this in the most remarkable inscription 
as yet discovered in Nubia, and which has been copied both by 
M. Gau and Mr. Baillie, and commented upon by Niebuhr, 
Franz, Letronne, and others. It must have been engraved sub 
sequently to Longinus mission, but prior to the Moslem inva 
sion in A. D. 641 ; and probably its date is shortly after the 
conversion of Nubia, if we may judge from the extraordinary 
ignorance it displays of Greek. It was discovered at Kalabsche, 
and the text, as given by Letronne, is as follows : 

e -yo) 2iX/Ka> ftaaiXio-Kos Nov/3a8o>i KOI 

OTTUV TjXdov els TaXfMiv KCU Td(f)iv airaj; 8vo eVo- 

\ep,Tjcra pcra rwv BXe/u,va>i/, KCU 6 Beos eftoxfv /uoi TO 

rUOJpM p-fTO. TQ)V Tpl)V lina. fVlKTJCra TTaXlV KCtl (Kpd- 

5 rrfrra ras noXeis aircoi/ cKa6(r6r)v p.Ta TWV 
o^Xa)!/ p.ov T& p.ev npwrov cnra eviKrjcra avrav 
Kcii avrol Tjt-iva-dv p.e fnoiijtra ciprjvrjv p.(T avrav, 
Kal wpoo-dv p.01 TO. ci ScoXa avrwv KOI eVto-Tcvo-a rov 
opKOV avTwv, o)S /caXoi dcriv avdputnoi d 
10 fls TO. avti) p.fpT} p.ov. "Ore tytymrtfup 


0\(OS eCTOTTlO-d) TCOI> (l\\(t)V (3a(Tl\f(i)V, 

aXX aKp.T]v ffjL-rrpocrdfv avr&v. 

ol yap <f)t\oveiKovo~iv per* cfiov, OVK d(j)a) avrovs Kade6fj.e- 
voi els xa>pai> at/rail/, el p,r] /car^^/cocraj/ p.e KOI 7rapaKa\oiio~iv 
eya> yap els fcarco p.e pr) XfW et/LU, KCU els (ivco p,eprj a i ft/it. 

I 5 eVoXe/UT/o-a fiera TOI/ BXe/iva)! OTTO Ilpi^etas ecoy TeX/ifws 
ert airaf;. KOI ol aXXot, Nou^aScoj/ dvcorepo), (Tropdrjcra ray 
^ copay avT&v, frrfidrj f(f)i\oveiKr]O ovo iv fjifr fp.ov. 
ol SetrTrdrai ra>i aXXcoi/ c6va)V 01 <pi\ov(iKovo~ii> JJLCT e jLtou, 
OUK a<^)w avrovs KaOeo-drjvai els TTJV o~Kiav, el viroKh.ivov\criv\ 

2O /not, Kat OVK enaoKav vrfpov evco els TTJV olniav aiiTwv ol yap 
dnrjKooi /Ltoi dpTra^a) TWV yvvaiK&v Ka\ TO. natdia avrwv .... 

I, Silco, the powerful king of the Noubades, and of all the 
^Ethiopians, went to Talmis and Taphis once, twice : I fought 
with the Blemyes, and God gave me the victory once and thrice 
besides. Again I conquered them, and took possession of their 
cities. Along with my hosts I settled there at the first once for all. 
I conquered them, and they begged for mercy. I made peace 
with them, and they swore to me by their idols, and I believed 
their oath, because they are worthy men. I withdrew to my 
upper dominions. When I became a king, I did not walk at all 
behind other kings, (but altogether in front of them). For those 
who cope with me, I do not suffer them to dwell in their land, 
unless they ask my permission, and entreat me. For I in my 
lower dominions am a lion, and in my upper dominions a goat. 
I warred with the Blemyes from Primis unto Telmis yet once 
again. And the rest, beyond the Noubades, I ravaged their ter 
ritories, because they tried to cope with me. The sovereigns of 
other lands who cope with me, I do not permit them to dwell at 
ease in the shade, unless they submit to me, nor can they drink 
water (from the cisterns) within their house. For those who dis 
obey me, I carry off their wives and their children 

That Silco was a Christian king, is evident from his saying, 
* God gave me the victory, whereas a heathen, instead of speak 
ing of God absolutely, would have mentioned the deity who was 
his peculiar patron. He also calls the gods of the Blemyes, idols, 


a word taken from the Septuagint, and used in this sense ex 
clusively by Christians. Moreover, throughout the inscription 
the words are chiefly taken from the Septuagint, or used in a 
sense peculiar to it ; e. g. iroXt/jLflv p.ra, Kparew followed by an 
accus., aioo), to b e g f or mercy, &c. The towns mentioned, 
Talmis, Taphis, and Prirnis, are all in the narrow Nile valley, 
formerly ceded by Diocletian to the Noubades, but now evidently 
long occupied by the Blemyes ; the first being the Kalabsche, 
where the inscription was found. The title /3ao-iAiWos, which 
really is a diminutive, is probably adopted by Silco, as a longer 
and more high-sounding appellation than fiao-iXevs, and his Greek 
again fails in 8\a>v, which is used for o-vp-navrav. In the next 
line Suo is for Sis, the meaning probably being, once and then 
a second time. In line 4, I doubt whether rpt&v is correctly 
copied, as /*era Tvv TpiS>v a?ra is a most extraordinary way of 
expressing four times. The simplicity of the half line but 
altogether in front of them, carved in small letters between 
lines 1 1 and 1 2, is most amusing : evidently it was an after 
thought of king Silco, who was afraid lest posterity should put a 
wrong construction upon his claim to being unlike his ancestors. 
From line 12 the inscription is remarkable for the number of 
nominativi pendentes ; and KaftfdjpcuM for KaftfayMiwv*, dcp5>, the 
i. aorist subj. used for a present, and the discord of the tenses in 
KdTrjgicoo-av and 7rapaKa\ov<Tiv, all suggest that Silco s Greek had 
been learnt by the ear alone. By being a lion in his lower do 
minions, he probably signifies, not merely the bravery of his 
subjects, but that to the south his empire extended to the flat 
lands inhabited by that animal, while his mountain fastnesses 
were the abode of the wild goat ; and the two symbolized his 
activity and strength. In line 15 begins the account of the se 
cond expedition against the Blemyes, referred to in line 2. The 
people beyond the Noubades are the Makoritce ; in the account 
of whom, in line 17, occurs the most extraordinary slip, in e$iAo- 
vfiKrjo-ovaiv, as Silco, in forming it, evidently considered that an 
augment added to a future tense changed it into an aorist. In 
line 19, ei is for el ^77, unless they submit to me : and in line 20, 
is a quasi first aorist from rraifit, to drink. N?;poi> is an 


affected Byzantine word for * water, signifying, * the moist. In 
the last line, ra>v yvvaiicS>v is put for the accusative. 

Niebuhr imagined that this inscription was possibly of the 
times of Diocletian, but his copy contained several mistakes, cor 
rected by subsequent copyists, which led him to imagine that 
Silco was still a heathen. The more accurate text, and careful 
examination of Letronne, led him to assign to it its true date, 
about the end of the sixth century. With the narrative of John 
of Ephesus it so far coincides, that we find the Christian king, 
Orfiulo, promising to join his arms with the king of Nubia in a 
war upon the enemies of the latter : but whether the expedition 
ever took place, we have no means of determining. As however 
the invasion of the Arabs happened but a few years later, and 
rendered such conquests impossible, it is by no means impossible 
that the inscription records the success of the very expedition 
announced in John s pages, and that Silco was the first Christian 
king of Nubia. 



THE first twelve chapters of the fifth book re 
fer to the Tritheites, and will be found in the 
earlier part of the translation, where we have 
collected the scattered references to Conon, the 
Condobaudites, and other minor Monophysite 
sects. For so Timothy classes them, because 
however strongly opposed by Theodosius and 
the heads of the party, they nevertheless had 
sprung out from them, and agreed in holding 
their central doctrine of the complete union of 
the two natures in Christ. The rest of the book 
treats of the emperor Maurice, and in rearrang 
ing these chapters, we have done no more than 
our author recommends ; for in his naive head 
ing he says, After the first twelve chapters it 
treats of the reign of the victorious Maurice, who 
ought indeed to have stood at the head of the 
book, but it did not occur to us/ And this same 
apology he repeats in his title to the thirteenth 

His account of Maurice he commences ab ovo, V. 13. 
with the death of Justinian, in the fourteenth 
day of the month of November, 876 (A. D. 565), 
after a reign of thirty-nine years. His successor, 
Justin, his sister s son, reigned thirteen years all 
but forty days, during part of which, from the 
severe malady which visited him, Tiberius acted 


by his appointment as Caesar, made on the 
seventh day of December, in the year 886 (A. D. 
575) ; and subsequently, during his lifetime, he 
bestowed upon him the royal crown : for he 
saw that he was himself dying, and therefore 
raised him to the throne, for though he still 
survived, it was in the weakness and humilia 
tion of death. The time he lived after making 
Tiberius king was nine days. Tiberius occupied 
the throne as Cesar for four years, and reigned 
afterwards as emperor for a period of four years 
more all but thirty-one days ; and when he 
found himself sick unto death, he too was com 
pelled to appoint as Caesar the count Maurice, 
the Cappadocian, on the fifth day of August in 
the year 893 (A. D. 582) ; for it had so happened, 
that Maurice had arrived at the capital but a 
few days before from the East, where he had 
been made commander-in-chief over all the Ro 
man generals, as we have mentioned in the pre 
vious chapters upon this subject, He further 
gave him the name of Tiberius, and joined with 
him in the government his younger daughter, 
Augusta, to whom he also gave the name of 
Constantina, and made Maurice immediately 
take her as wife. The time he survived this 
appointment was only eight days, and when he 
saw himself sinking, on the day before his death, 
he further gave him the royal crown, and de 
parted from this world in his suburban palace 
in the Hebdomum"; whence they brought him to 

a This passage shows that the Hebdomum was still outside 


the palace in the city, and buried him after the 
manner of kings. 

Meanwhile, the God-loving king Maurice sat V. 14. 
upon the royal throne, and showed himself, and 
Avas proclaimed as emperor, and began to man 
age and administer such matters as belong to 
the kingdom ; and after the time of mourning 
for king Tiberius was passed, he made great pre 
parations, and arranged the aifairs of the king 
dom, with much pomp and magnificence, such 
as suits the majesty of kings. But these things 
it would not be easy for any one to detail with 
out much labour, nor does our subject permit us 
to occupy ourselves with them, further than by 
an occasional allusion to such of them as are 
connected with the history of the church, which 
is our proper business. After the royal banquet, 
therefore, which was very splendid with magnifi 
cent presents and royal shows, the queen proved 
with child, and in due time a son was born to 
them in the purple, on the fourth day of August, 
894 (A. D. 583), and they named him Theodosius, 

the city, for Tiberius is said to have been 
a word solely applied to the suburban palaces. Probably, there 
fore, Justinian only included a part of it within the city walls. 
It is mentioned as a place of recreation for the emperors by 
Rufinus, de vit. Pat. iii. 19. ... in Septimo, ubi solent impera- 
tores egressi de civitate libenter degere. I have before men 
tioned the rumour that Tiberius was poisoned in a dish of mul 
berries. In the Chron. Alex, nothing more is said than reXtura 
Ttftepios Ne os- KwaTavrlvos eV TrpoKeWa) TOV Ej386p.ov. UpoKeixrov is 

the Latin word processus as transmuted by the Byzantine nasal 


in allusion to Theodosius the Second, who was 
the only one besides from the time of Constan- 
tine downwards who was born in the purple. 
For neither did Constantine beget a son after at 
taining to the empire, nor any one of those who 
succeeded him, neither Marcinus nor Leo, nor 
Zeno, nor Anastasius, nor Justin, nor Justinian, 
nor Justin the Second, nor Tiberius, down to the 
time of Maurice. Upon the birth, therefore, of 
the child, general rejoicing was made, especially 
because there were persons entirely unfit for so 
high an office, looking forward to and making 
preparations for seizing the kingdom by force : 
but on the day of this infant s birth, their pro 
jects were extinguished and brought to an end, 
so that even in the Hippodrome the people of the 
city, with loud shouts in his honour, said, God 
grant thee well ; for thou hast freed us from 
subjection to many/ Forthwith, too, there were 
offered to the infant presents and gifts in abund 
ance, by all the nobles and ladies of rank, and 
senators and others besides, each one trying his 
best to outdo his neighbour in the costliness of 
the offerings which were presented to him with 
great respect. 

V. 15. The commencement of a new reign is naturally 
favourable to designing men, and those therefore 
whose practice it is to make a pretext of men s 
religion in order to rob and plunder them, did 
not cease their endeavours to stir up Maurice 
against the orthodox, laying to their charge 
many wicked and unfounded accusations, while 


he neither knew what they held, nor what was 
the cause of their mutual divisions. As then 
they were constantly irritating him against them, 
he finally became angry, and summoned the pa 
triarch, and commanded him to send and arrest 
and imprison such as would not communicate 
with him. But John b the patriarch, being already 
in grief and sorrow because of the heathen, since 
even after they had been detected and discovered 
by the providence of God, and convicted by the 
testimony of one another, and the legal deposi 
tions had been taken, and that not only in the 
capital, but in every region and city, as we have 
fully narrated above, and many members of the 
senate had been proved to be guilty, he then had 
let the matter rest, and thrown a veil over it, 
and but few of them had been put to death, and 
a few others sent into exile, while the rest of 
them continued as they were, and still held their 
rank and office. On this account the patriarch 
mourned inconsolably, so that when he was 
ordered to arrest and persecute the orthodox, 
he answered with indignation, Think you that 
God will be pleased that when we let heathens 
escape, and set them free, and acquit them, after 
their heathenism has been discovered and made 
known to every one, that now, after we have 
given them impunity, we persecute and condemn 
and slay Christians in their stead? Are these 

b This was John the Faster, a very different eharacter from 
John Scholasticus. 

A a 


the laws of justice ? What do the distinguishes 
say or do that we ought to persecute them ? Be 
it known then to your majesty, that as long as 
heathens are unpunished, and go at large, and 
not one of them is even deposed from his office, 
I know not how I can persecute Christians, 
with whose faith no fault can be found, and who 
consider themselves to be believers even more 
fully than ourselves. And so for the present he 
put a stop to the persecution. 

V. 15. A short time after these turbulent persons 
found some victims in the Arians : for as leave 
had always been refused to their repeated re 
quests for permission to fall upon the congrega 
tions of the believers, they invented pretexts, and 
made numerous complaints against the Arians, 
and having assembled their whole troop, they 
fell upon an Arian church, the members of which 
met outside the city in the queen s monastery. 
The time chosen for the attack was when they 
were celebrating the communion, and having 
entered, they overturned their altar, and threw 
their oblations to the ground, and carried off all 
their vessels and books, and every thing else on 
which they could lay hands : and the people they 
dragged by force and imprisoned in the chancel 
of the church. And every one imprisoned there 
experienced the truth of the word of the Lord, 
Matt. v. where he says, Verily I say unto thee, Thou 
shalt not come out thence, until thou hast paid 
the uttermost farthing. For not one of them 


was allowed to get out, until he had paid the 
very last farthing- which he possessed in the 

How much better those fared who were ac- V. 17. 
cused of heathenism, our author shews in the 
adventures of Gregory of Antioch, which we have 
detailed before. In the next chapter he tells us 
of the wealth and dignities conferred by Maurice 
upon his relatives, as follows : 

At the beginning of his reign, the king sent V. 18. 
for his father, an old man named Paul, and his 
mother, and his brother, whose name was Peter, 
and his two sisters, one of whom was a widow, 
and the other the wife of Philippicus. The latter 
he first of all appointed comes excubitorum : and 
subsequently elevated him to the rank which he 
had himself previously held, of commander-in- 
chief over all the Roman armies in the East, in 
which capacity he sent him to levy fresh forces 
to carry on the war against the Persians. And 
next he made his father head of the senate, and 
chief of all the patricians, and gave him and his 
son Peter, the king s brother, the entire property 
of the great patrician Marcellus, brother of the 
late king Justin, which was not much less than 
the royal demesnes themselves, with his houses 
and landed estates, and gold and silver, and his 
wardrobe, and every thing that he had every 
where without exception. And next he gave 
his father and mother another house near the 
church (of S. Sophia) and his own palace. Soon 
after he gave his sister and her husband Plii- 

A a 2 

: >.">(> IK ( Li;si ASTICAL HISTORY 

lippicus a large and strong-built house, on the 
western side of the city, in the suburb called 
Zeugma c ; while his other sister, the widow, re 
ceived a new and well-built mansion, lately 
erected by the patrician Peter, and which is 
almost as large as a city. He also gave to his 
other relatives large and noble houses belonging 
to the crown, and studiously enriched them in 
wealth and rank and honour, and gave them 
high offices near to the royal person, and in 
every way sought to increase their power : but 
as it is not the object of our book to treat of 
these things, we must omit their further detail. 
V. 19. One relative, however, needs more particular 
mention, namely, Domitian, metropolitan of Me- 
litene. Already Maurice, when sent by Tiberius 
to the East with the title of count, had shewn 
his devotion to the interests of his family by 
making him bishop of Melitene in Cappadocia : 
and when, after spending a period of two years 
more or less in the East, he had returned to the 
capital, and been made king, immediately Do 
mitian hastened to him, and became his coun 
sellor and most intimate adviser, and the person 

c The suburb called Zeugma is said to have had its 
name from mules having been there yoked to the car on which 
the remains of the protomartyr S. Stephan were brought to the 
capital. The names of both the houses are given in the Syriac, 
namely, oco^|, and un.Vnm_p ; but I can find no traces of 
them in the Byzantine historians, though Theophanes, p. 229, 
gives an account of various buildings which Philippicus himself 


who thought for him, and encouraged him in all 
the severe and painful difficulties with which he 
had to contend in the wars which pressed upon 
him on all sides, with the heathen and Magian peo 
ple of the Persians, and the harbarous and savage 
tribes who came from the ends of the world, and 
are called Avars, and also with the Slavonians. 
And in all these difficulties the bishop of Meli- 
tene was the king s comforter and counsellor, 
although he was still but a young man. He was 
however thoroughly imbued with the opinions 
of the council of Chalcedon and of Leo. The 
great and important matters then, which pressed 
upon the empire on all sides, he laid before the 
king, together with his advice ; and he let him 
settle them as he chose, and so he continues to 
do to this day d . 

On Maurice s elevation to the crown, his chief V. 20 
difficulty arose from finding that the lavishness 
of Tiberius had exhausted the treasures which 
Justin had stored up in the palace. For upon 
his becoming king, he found large sums of gold 
secretly hoarded there, which his predecessor 
had gathered by unjust means : and at the 
sight of it, as though some zealous spirit had 
entered into him, he began spending and scat 
tering and dispersing it on all sides, sometimes 
fittingly and compassionately, or in the usual 

d To this Domitianus of Mclitene Maurice left the guardian 
ship of his children, by his will dated in the fifteenth year of his 
reign : and Theoph. Simoeatta praises him as 5ei6r n}v irpa&v, 
os 8( Tijv Trpoaipfaiv, i. c. in counsel. 



largesses to the army; and sometimes without 
thought or reason, as if he were throwing it ahout 
with a fan, until all Justin s treasures were ex 
pended, a large portion being consumed in his 
largesses at his accession. For as he himself 
said, he gave away then no less than seventy- 
five talents of gold, besides silver, and other 
royal matters, such as is the custom of kings to 
give ; and finally, he was obliged to open the 
treasures of king Anastasius, and take money 
from thence. But when he departed from this 
world, and Maurice became king in his stead, 
he found the palace swept as clean as if it had 
been emptied with a broom, and was compelled 
therefore to take possession of any money that 
was discovered, or came in from the taxes, and 
withhold his hand, and effect savings in the 
expenses of the army, and hoard it up, saying, 
I must not disperse and scatter the money, but 
collect and store it up, that I may have the 
means of purchasing peace for the state/ And 
with this object he withheld his hand, and re 
frained from many of the customary observances, 
until he was much ridiculed and scoffed at b t y 
many, and called a close-fisted and miserly fel 
low, who could benefit and enrich none but his 
own relatives : and much more of the same sort 
was said, which, without some special reason, 
would not have been fit to record in a history of 
the church. 

Returning to ecclesiastical matters, our histo- 


rian informs us, that the rebuke of the patriarch 
though ineffectual in preventing attempts at per 
secution, was not lost upon the king. For, in the 
midst of his difficulties and anxieties, from the 
wars which surrounded him on all sides, turbu 
lent men, having no zeal for the faith, and using 
it only as a pretext for greedily plotting after the 
spoil of the houses and property of their neigh 
bours, craftily endeavoured to get permission and 
authority to carry out their purpose, and never 
ceased wearying the ears of the king and patri 
arch with their constant calumnies, which, though 
not confined to them, were especially directed 
against those who found a stumbiingblock in the 
council of Chalcedon. They complained therefore, 
saying, < These men gather in large meetings, and 
celebrate the communion and baptism in greater 
numbers than the catholic church, even If you 
add to it all the heresies of Arians, and Samosa- 
tenians, and Tetradites , and Manichseaiis f , and 
Marcionites, and the like: and they disturb and 
upset the whole church. Give us therefore au 
thority to arrest and imprison them, and put 
them to the torture, and root out all their meet- 

e Several sects in the early church were called Tetradites, re- 
rpadirm, but probably it here signifies such as were accused of 
holding a quaternity, rerpas, instead of the Holy Trinity. In this 
sense Dom. Macer applies it to the Manichees in his Hierolex., 
but probably our author intends by it the Nestorians. 

f Although the word in the text [jL^jQic suggests < Montanists, 
yet I imagine that it really signifies the Mauichees, coiHt;uitly 
called U^iic by our author as being the followers of Manes. 


ing houses. But the patriarch, being a gentle 
and merciful man, and who knew their cunning, 
and that their zeal was only for rapine and plun 
der, rebuked them, saying, If your zeal were up 
right in these things which you so press upon us, 
or if your purpose were the correction of these 
people, we should commend it : but as we know 
that your real object is to plunder and steal the 
goods of others, go and be quiet : for we will not 
permit any persecution to take place in our days, 
but to the best of our power will teach and ad 
monish them/ And as these persons consisted 
not merely of clergymen, but also of laymen, 
some of whom were unsound in their Christianity 
physicians, for instance, and heathens who, 
besides their greediness for plunder, wished to 
make a demonstration also of their Christianity 
by professing zeal for the Christian faith, when 
they saw that the bishop would not submit to 
their cunning, they did not hesitate to din the 
ears of the merciful king himself, as some of 
them had access to him by being the royal phy 
sicians. But the king, as one whose whole con 
versation and all his thoughts were wrapped in 
the wars with the barbarians, would not even so 
much as listen to them, saying, Because we have 
not enough to do with the wars with the barba 
rians on all our confines, you want to bring upon 
us intestine wars also ! And thus their violence 
was restrained, and their projects were rebuffed 
,-md brought to nought. 

Of the subsequent tragical fortunes of Maurice 


and his family our historian of course knows no- I 
thing : for his own death, at a good old age, ap 
parently happened in the third or fourth year of 
Maurice s reign. His last notice of him is an ac 
count of his rebuilding the desolate city of Ara- 
bissus, in Cappadocia, a town remarkable on no 
other account than as being the emperor s birth 
place, and the original seat of his family : and 
this new instance of devotion to his relatives na 
turally served to increase the ill-will entertained 
against him at the capital, on seeing all matters 
of state administered with so niggard a hand, 
while he loaded them with the highest offices 
and the most extravagant gifts. The narrative V. 22. 
is introduced by a statement, confirmed by coins 
still extant, that Maurice did not consent to the 
change of name commanded by Tiberius, who, on 
giving him the crown in his dying moments, 
had called him after himself, but persisted in 
using that only which had been given him by his 
parents, and would permit no other name than 
Maurice to be inscribed on his gold coins. From 
this he proceeds to mention, that a point on 
which he had greatly set his heart was the re 
building and restoration of his native town of 
Arabissus. For this purpose he sent officers* into 
all quarters to collect skilful artificers in the 

e These officers were called Scribones, and Du Gauge quotes a 
passage from Gregory the Great, to prove that their duty was to 
travel into the provinces with the emperor s commands, and even 
sometimes with authority to see them executed. Their rank is 
shewn by his calling them viri magnifici. 


working and chiselling of stones, and builders, 
and carpenters, and masons, and smiths, and 
mechanicians, and all other kinds of craftsmen, 
and stationed there a troop of soldiers, to keep 
them constantly engaged in the building, each oc 
cupied with his own branch of labour. His first 
command was, that the church should be taken 
down, and rebuilt on a larger and more magni 
ficent scale : and he sent himself a large and 
splendid set of church-furniture of silver and 
gold, with beautiful vessels for the altar, and for 
the adornment of the whole building, and gave 
orders also for a large ciborium, such as is cus 
tomary in all the churches of the capital, to be 
made here in pieces, and sent thither to be fixed 
up on the spot. After the church, his next order 
was for the erection of an extensive hospice, with 
lofty buildings : and next, for the public service 
of the city, a large townhall, and long and hand 
some porticoes followed, and magnificent basi 
licas, and a palace, and a strong wall. And much 
conversation and murmuring was made thereat ; 
for people said, Every day he complains about 
the Roman armies, which labour and fight in 
behalf of the state, and says, I have no gold to 
distribute among them : and while there are nu 
merous strong cities, both in the East and West, 
captured and laid in ruins by the barbarians, to 
which all he has to say is, I have no money to 
give, how is it that he now expends such and 
such a number of talents and they mentioned a 
definite number, but as we cannot answer for its 


exactness, we do not record it in our history : 
they said, however, How is it that he expends 
all these talents in rebuilding a town, which 
never was of consequence, nor of any value to 
the Roman state? 

But Maurice had soon a worse enemy to con- V. 23. 
tend with than the murmurs of his citizens : for 
two years after he had undertaken the restora 
tion of his native town, and while the works 
were being rapidly pushed onwards to comple 
tion, suddenly a great and terrible earthquake 
happened, being the third which in succession 
have overthrown place after place in the East, 
and, as it were, in wrath, threw down the whole 
of Arabissus, and levelled all the buildings in it, 
new and old, to the ground. And all men won 
dered : but though the king Maurice was greatly 
vexed and troubled, and feared lest the over 
throw of the city was by the secret indication of 
God, yet will he not desist from rebuilding it a 
second time : for all the artificers whom he had 
collected still remain there, apparently to renew 
their former attempt at restoring and rebuilding 
it again. 

End of the Fifth Book of Church Histories, in winch 
are contained twenty-three chapter*. 



IN the sixth and concluding book of John s 
history, he gives us a brief and affecting narra 
tive of the wars by which the Roman empire 
was encompassed in his days ; and as has con 
stantly been the case in all troubled times, the 
good old man drew his strength and consolation 
from the belief that his Saviour s coming was 
close at hand. It was indeed close, but in a very 
different way from what he expected : for already 
the young Mahomet 3 , repelled in his first in 
quiries by the idolatrous aspect which Christ 
ianity outwardly bore, was rising to be the in 
strument of God s just anger against the eastern 
church. For the picture which John has drawn 
for us, especially in the fourth book, of the nar 
rowness and bigotry, the fierce strifes, the want 
of self-restraint, the injustice and cruelty and 
utter absence of Christian charity, which cha 
racterized all parties in his days alike, makes us 
feel that the times were ripe for punishment. 
Not but that, possibly, there still remained some 
sparks of true faith ; for it is the nature of his 
tory to record rather the external form than the 
inner life of the world s progress ; and on its sur- 

a Mai ion) t-t. who was born circa A. D. 570, was seventeen or 
eighteen years of age at our author s death. 


face the bad and turbulent play a more import 
ant part than the virtuous and good. For virtue 
is, for the most part, uneventful, and holds on its 
calm and peaceful course unseen, except where 
the wickedness of others seeks to oppress and 
overwhelm it. And so with the history of the 
church : as a general rule, it is but a history of 
schism and heresy, of persecution and violence, 
and of the attempts now of this party and now 
of that to tyrannize over the consciences of 
others. But beneath there lies the golden thread, 
unseen too often, yet really there, of the grace 
which spiritualizes and ennobles man s earthly 
being ; and though the general effect of reading 
ecclesiastical history in most ages of the church s 
existence is quite as much wonder at the all but 
total absence of the gentler Christian virtues, 
as admiration at the zeal which has never seem 
ed to flag : yet one cannot but feel certain that 
there always have been in the church Christians 
in deed and in truth, on whose lives the doctrines 
which they professed had a better influence than 
merely to serve them as a battle field for conten 
tion and dispute. Whatever of these there were 
in the sixth century, we find at all events but 
faint indications of them in the pages of John s 
history, except in his own character ; and though 
that is disfigured by much of the fanaticism of 
his time, so that he considers it a Christian duty 
to persecute heretics and heathens, yet in most 
respects we can fully feel with him, and admire 
the moderation of his character, brought out the 


more strongly into relief by the turbulence and 
intemperance of his contemporaries ; and can 
therefore sympathise with the feelings which 
made him pen the introduction to this sixtli 
book in the following terms : 

VI. i. It has not seemed to us a thing improper or 
alien from our purpose to attach to these eccle 
siastical narratives a short account also of the 
wars and battles and desolation and bloodshed- 
ding which have happened in our days, for the 
information of those who come after us, should 
the world continue to exist so long. And we re 
cord them to the best of our ability, and as we 
have learnt and received them by inquiry : being 
reminded by them of the word and lifegiving 
doctrine of our Saviour, where He teaches us, and 
warns and testifies to us of the time of the end 
and the consummation of the world, and also of 
Mat.xxiv. His advent, and says, When ye have seen all 
these things coming to pass, know that it has 
come even to the door. And, lo ! we in our days 
see all these things happening, and all accom 
plished, and therefore we ought always to expect 
His dread advent with great power and much 

The narrative commences about the year A. D. 
f)74 with the military operations of the Patrician 
Marcian in the east. To throw some light upon 
his operations it may be necessary to recapitu 
late some of the facts of the previous history, 
namely, that in A. D. 571, the greater or Persian 
Armenia revolted from Khosrun, upon his endea- 


vouring, in violation of the compact with Sapor, 
to introduce there the Magian religion ; but 
being unable to cope with the Persian monarch 
singlehanded, they offered their allegiance to 
Rome. Their submission was accepted, and 
orders were sent to the Roman commanders to 
defend Armenia as part of the Roman domin 
ions. At first the efforts of the Armenians were 
crowned with success, and a great victory, which 
they gained under the Mamigonean chief Vartan 
over the army of Khosrun, needed only to have 
been vigorously followed up to have insured 
final success. How the incapacity of a despotic 
court, jealous of its own officers, and more intent 
on petty intrigues than careful for the general 
good, thwarted the efforts of its generals, and 
both lost Armenia, and was compelled to submit 
to an inglorious peace, will best appear in the 
simple narrative of our author. 

The illustrious Patrician Martian, a relative of VI. 2. 
king Justin, was sent by him to command one 
of the Roman armies in the east ; and being 
warmly zealous for the polity of the Christians, 
he assembled an army, and laid siege to Nisibis, 
the frontier town and bulwark of Mesopotamia, 
and then in possession of the Persians. And 
having strongly invested it, and constructed 
round it a palisade, he commenced, with the 
aid of the skilful mechanicians whom he had 
brought with him, to erect more scientific works, 
consisting of lofty towers and strong covered ap 
proaches. And the city began to be distressed, 


and both its inhabitants and the Persian garri 
son despaired of their lives when they saw it 
so hard pressed by the Romans. And as those 
inside were in alarm, so those outside were 
making their preparations to assault the city 
and plunder it ; but just as they were ready to 
storm it, a violent tempered man arrived, named 
Acacius Archelaus, sent for no just reason by 
king Justin to deprive Marcian of his command, 
and cut his girdle b , and send him away from the 
east. And immediately that he came he showed 
his orders, just at the time when Marcian and 
his army were fighting against Nisibis, and ex 
pecting to assault it the next day, and win the 
city ; and all were in astonishment, and their 
hands .were weakened. And the illustrious Mar 
cian, who had been assiduously making his pre 
parations, and was upon the point of capturing 
Nisibis, on hearing the orders, said to Acacius, 
* You see how great labour we have taken for 
the purpose of capturing this city; and now, 
wait a little, and grant us a delay of two days 
only, and then do what you have been com 
manded ; for the king has a right that w r hat he 
orders should be done. But he was angry with 
him, and insulted him, and in hot wrath laid 
hands upon him in the presence of all his officers, 
and pulled him about, and threw him down, and 
cut his girdle, scoffing at him, and even, as was 
said, he struck him on the cheek. And the 

b This is the usual phrase for depriving an officer of his com 
mand, (specially when it is intended to disgrace him. 


whole army was indignant, and their hands weak 
ened, and execrating the wickedness which had been 
done hefore their eyes, they lowered their stand 
ard, and turned it upside down. And thereupon 
the whole army fled, and left the city far behind 
them, and loud was their grief and lamentation 
at what had happened to their commander ; for 
he was a good man and a believer : and besides, 
at the very time when they were expecting to 
enter and take the city, they had shown their 
backs when there was no enemy who pursued 
them, and had become the laughter and scorn 
of their foes. And when the Persian army which 
garrisoned the city saw the breaking up and 
sudden retreat of the Romans, and Martian s 
standard overthrown, they were astonished, and 
encouraged one another, and armed and pursued 
after them, and fell upon a body of infantry which 
remained behind, and defeated and slew most of 
them, and so returned to the city, laughing and 
mocking at what had happened to the Romans 
of their own selves. Forthwith, too, they wrote 
and informed their king of all these things, say 
ing, Come, immediately, and let us cross over into 
the Roman territory ; for our noble gods, the sun 
and fire, have made them, by the commandment 
of their king, fall upon one another ; and they 
have dismissed Marcian with scorn, and have all 
fled and gone away from our city/ 

The anger of Justin against Marcian arose 
from no fault of the latter, but rather from the 
unbusinesslike habits of the king himself, who 



allowed the underhand dealings of the weak 
court of Constantinople to come to light by a 
carelessness as indefensible as the treachery it 
VI. 3. disclosed was base. The account of it is as follows : 
The Tayenses, or Arabs of the north, were at 
that time divided into tw^o sections, of which the 
one was allied Avith Rome, the other with the 
Persians. Of the former Harith was king, and 
was held in such general awe and terror by all 
the nomad tribes, that as long as lie lived, no 
one ventured to disturb the peace. But upon 
his death the Arabs in alliance with Persia look 
ed with contempt upon his sons and princes and 
army, and imagined that, lo ! now at length all 
his encampment is delivered into our hands ! 
Accordingly they gathered themselves together, 
and pitched their camp in Harith s territories, 
bringing with them all their flocks, and vast 
herds of camels. But when Mondir, Harith s 
eldest son, heard of it, he was very wroth, and 
burnt with zeal, and taking with him his bro 
thers and sons and nobles and all his army, he 
fell suddenly upon them, whereas they had ex 
pected that he would never venture to make any 
resistance. They were utterly defeated, there 
fore, and put to the sword, and their king Kabus, 
when he saw the fierce onset made by Mondir 
and his troops, and that already they had broken 
through and overpowered and slaughtered his 
hordes, turned his horse, and fled with a few 
companions, and succeeded in making his escape, 
but saved nothing of his property. And Mondir 


entered, and took possession of Kabus tent, and 
his entire encampment, and all his baggage, and 
his herds of camels. Several also of his relatives 
he made prisoners, and some of his nobles, but 
the rest he put to the sword. And next he 
crossed over the Euphrates, and pitched his 
camp in the territories of Kabus, and marched 
inland to the distance of sixty leagues, and ar 
rived at the place where the herds and all the 
riches of the Persian Arabs were. There he 
pitched his camp for some time, and the hordes 
of Kabus, on seeing their master s well known 
tent erected so far in their land, boldly came to 
it, expecting to find their king there, but on 
entering, found themselves in Mondir s camp, and 
were seized and put to death, except some of 
note, who were kept as prisoners. And after stay 
ing there as long as he chose, he set out upon 
his return with much spoil, consisting of herds 
of horses and camels and armour and so forth. 
And after some time had elapsed, Kabus also 
collected his forces, and sent to Mondir, bidding 
him meet him in battle : for, lo ! said he, we 
are coming upon thee. For though thou didst fall 
upon us a thief, and imaginedst that thou de- 
featedst us, behold, we openly draw near to thee 
for battle. But Mondir sent in reply, Why do 
ye trouble yourselves? for I am already on my 
way. And not only did he consent and mako 
preparations, but with the word effected also the 
deed. For he met them suddenly in the desert, 
when they did not expect him, and fell upon 

B b 2, 


them, and threw them into confusion, and slew 
most of them ; and again they fled before him. 
But inasmuch as we have previously given an 
account of these achievements elsewhere in our 
history, our purpose now is to record the iniqui 
tous plot formed against him in violation of all 
right feeling after these glorious victories, and so 
great a triumph in two successive battles. For, 
as Mondir imagined that his success would be 
acceptable and extolled by the king, he wrote to 
him an account of all that he had done, and his 
complete victory ; and added a request that he 
would send him gold that he might hire troops; be 
cause be expected that certainly they would gather 
their forces once more to attack him. And when 
king Justin heard that he had written to him to 
send him gold, he was angry, and very indignant, 
and reviled him, and vowed vengeance against 
him, and secretly determined in his heart to 
murder him by some artifice or other. 
VI. 4. Thus then being filled with the spirit of oppo 
sition, king Justin wrote a letter to the patrician 
Marcian with the intention of having Mondir se 
cretly put to death; and the letter was as fol 
lows : I have written to Mondir the Arab to bid 
him come to thee : see, directly that he comes, 
that thou take off his head, and write and inform 
me of it. To Mondir I have written in these 
words : Because of some matters of importance, I 
have written to the patrician Marcian, requesting 
him to confer with thee ; go therefore to him im 
mediately without delay, and consult with him 


upon the matters in question/ But, as became 
subsequently known to everybody, the letters, by 
the providence of God, were changed, and the 
name of Mondir himself was inscribed upon the 
despatch, directing Marcian to take off Mondir s 
head ; while, by some mistake or other, the letter 
intended for Mondir was directed to Marcian : 
and the messenger who started with the two de 
spatches, having delivered them to the persons to 
whom they were severally addressed, it happened 
that Mondir received the despatch which gave 
directions to Marcian to take off his head; and 
Marcian, on the other hand, that which required 
Mondir to go to Marcian, to hold the proposed 
conference. When then Mondir received the de 
spatch, and had read it, he was greatly agitated, 
and said, In return then for my labours and 
anxieties in behalf of the Roman territory, my 
reward is the loss of my head. This is my desert. 
And being filled with anger, he collected all his 
people, and bade them provide for his safety, say 
ing, If you see any one whomsoever sent unto 
me from the king of the Romans, if he has but a 
small escort, seize them, and keep them closely 
guarded outside your encampment : but if the 
escort is numerous, at once advance boldly and 
fall upon them, without giving the slightest cre 
dence to anything whatsoever which they shall 
say unto you, or permitting them to approach 
on any pretence into the neighbourhood of your 
encampment/ And thus uninterruptedly day and 
night the Arab hordes kept armed watch in de- 


fence of their king, being ever on the look-out, 
and ready for battle with any one whomsoever 
who should come unto them from the Romans. 
And when the Persians, and the Arabs under the 
Persian rule, heard the news, and learnt that 
they had now nothing to fear from Mondir, and 
that he would not trouble himself to engage in 
war for the sake of the Romans, who had tried 
to murder him, they boldly made preparations 
for invading the Roman territory, and laid it 
waste with fire and sword as far as Antioch, and 
captured an immense number of prisoners, and 
ruined and razed and burnt large and strong 
towns, almost equal in size to cities, both in the 
territory of Antioch and elsewhere, and took the 
inhabitants prisoners, and utterly ruined all these 
countries, and returned to their land with a 
mighty spoil. But Mondir was full of grief and 
lamentation at the treachery of the Romans to 
wards him, and at the devastation wrought by 
his enemies, and the wealth which they had car 
ried away from the Roman land: and therefore he 
gathered his people, and withdrew into the de 
serts. All meanwhile who heard of the wicked 
ness which had been purposed against him, with 
out fault on his side, were greatly displeased, and 
blamed it, and found fault with commands so 
contrary both to reason and justice. And when 
the king heard that this was said on all sides, 
and learnt moreover that Mondir had abandoned 
all care of the Roman territories, he sent orders 
to the chiefs and generals in the East, command- 


ing them to go to him, and persuade him to be 
reconciled to them. And when many of them 
sent to him proposing to visit him, the answer he 
returned to each one was ; Be w r ell assured, that 
any one whosoever who comes unto me from 
the Roman dominions, I shall resist his approach 
by force, so that either he shall kill me, or I will 
kill him. For God forbid that I should ever again 
entrust my life to any Roman ; for, as far as it 
depended upon you and your king, my head is 
already off. For this was the fate to which I was 
condemned by the Romans/ And this state of 
things continued for two or three years, during 
which repeated attempts were made to prevail 
upon him to consent to a reconciliation ; but he 
would not permit any one to approach him, but 
sent about Justin s despatch, commanding his mur 
der, in all directions, and shewed it to every one. 

The displeasure therefore which was entertained 
against Marcian was because Mondir had escaped 
and was still alive, while the secret had been re 
vealed and become known, and the plot conse 
quently had been unsuccessful. For all men 
knew what the sentence was which had been 
decreed against him iniquitously and wickedly, 
and without regard to the fear of God. But after 
king Mondir had given way to his indignation, 
and stood with his forces carefully on his guard 
against all the princes and armies of the Roman 
realm, for a period of three years, more or less, 
then, as being a Christian, and grieved at the 
miseries which had fallen upon the Roman terri- 


tories, and full of anger against the Persian 
Arabs, who had carried fire and sword, and made 
captives of the people as far as Antioch, and 
had returned to their land with an immense spoil 
and prisoners without number, he determined to 
make peace, and take up arms for the Roman 
state. And as he would not consent to receive 
the letters which were constantly sent to him 
from the king by the hand of many of the princes, 
in which Justin denied all privity to the attempt, 
and said that the orders to kill him were not 
written with his knowledge, but continued to 
shew his resentment, and would not admit to his 
presence either the bearers or the despatches 
themselves, but stood ready for war with all who 
should venture to approach near his camp : he 
finally determined himself to send to the patri 
cian Justinian, the son of Germanus, who at that 
time was head and commander-in-chief over the 
armies of the Romans in the East, a message to 
this effect : Directly that I heard and learnt the 
plots of the Romans, and knew that I was 
doomed to a certain death, in return for my ex 
ertions in their behalf, I felt that henceforward it 
would be impossible to trust myself in the hands 
of any of the Roman princes for ever. But be 
cause I know thee to be a Christian, and a noble 
man who fears God, if thou wilt go to the house 
of the blessed Mar Sergius at Resef , and send 

c Rezeph, Jer. xxxvii. 1 2, the Pqo-a^m of Ptolemseus, is about 
a day s journey from the well-known town of Thapsacus on the 
Euphrates. As Sergius and Bacchus were the patron saints of 


me word, I will come to thee there, with my men 
armed ready for battle : and if peace meet me, 
and true dealing on thy part, we will converse 
together, and finally both of us depart in amity : 
but if I find any treachery, I trust that the God 
in Whom I believe will not relax His care of me. 
When the patrician Justinian received the 
message, he was very glad, and sent in answer ; 
* Entertain no suspicions of me : for, lo ! the God 
of the Christians is between us. Come on such a 
day to the holy house of Mar Sergius, and thou 
shalt find me there : and trouble not thy army ; 
for I trust in God that we shall separate from 
one another in peace and love and concord/ And 
when Mondir received this answer, he proceeded 
thither immediately, but changed his mind re 
specting his escort, and took but few attendants 
with him ; and on his arrival, the two remained 
alone before the shrine in which were deposited 
the bones of the holy Mar Sergius ; and after a 
conversation too long to record, and they had 
mutually given each other their word, they de 
parted in confidence and peace with one another, 
and great joy. And when the news reached king 
Justin and the senate, they also rejoiced greatly, 
that Mondir had consented to make peace : and 
subsequently letters of peace and reconciliation 
were interchanged between the two kings. And 
after a short time, the warlike and spirited king 

the Syrians, churches and monasteries were too frequently dedi 
cated to them for it to be surprising that no other mention of 
this monastery occurs in history. 


Mondir, being full of anger at the audacity of the 
Persian Arabs, and desirous of tearing away and 
stripping them of the prey which they had taken 
from the Roman territory, quietly gathered his 
brothers, and all his relatives, and his sons, with 
their forces, and bade them immediately make 
rapid preparations, and get their arms and provi 
sions ready, and meet all together on the second 
day at his tent. And on their assembling with 
great promptitude, he revealed to them his pur 
pose, saying ; Immediately, without any one se 
parating himself or withdrawing from us, let us 
all fall suddenly on Hirah, the capital of Noman, 
in the Persian territories ; for, to punish their 
boastfulness, and insulting violence against the 
Christians, God will deliver them into our hands. 
Immediately therefore they set out with speed, 
and reached Hirah, and fell upon it suddenly, 
when its inhabitants were in peace and tranquil 
lity; and they surprised them, and put to the 
sword and destroyed the garrison there, and 
overthrew and uprooted and burnt the whole 
town, with the exception of the churches. And 
Mondir pitched his tent in the middle of it, and 
remained there five days, and bound such Arabs 
as he had taken prisoners, and drove off all the 
booty of Hirah, and every thing which they had 
captured and brought away from the Roman ter 
ritories, and all their herds of horses and their 
camels, and so returned to his land, in great tri 
umph, and after a decisive victory. And it even 
more increased his glory and magnificence, that 


he liberally gave presents to all the churches and 
monasteries of the orthodox, and especially to 
the poor. For all men extolled him, and the two 
neighbouring realms of Rome and Persia admired 
and wondered at his spirit, and the martial ex 
ploits and victories which he had achieved. 

The discovery, therefore, of Justin s treachery VI. 5. 
against Mondir, brought about by the careless 
ness of the clerks at Constantinople, was the 
sole reason why Marcian was deprived of his 
command at the very moment when the capture 
of Nisibis seemed certain, whereby the eastern 
confines of the Roman territories would have 
been secured against the inroads of the Persians. 
But the retribution which fell upon the Roman 
realm was not confined to this check upon their 
onward progress ; for no sooner had the Persian 
king heard of Martian s fall, and the breaking 
up of the armies before Nisibis, than he deter 
mined to take full advantage of the mismanage 
ment of his enemies, and assembling a powerful 
force, arrived rapidly at that town, and found 
the engines and machines which Marcian had 
erected still standing before it. And with these 
he forthwith commenced the siege of Dara, having 
removed thither all Martian s engines of war, and 
applied them to his own use, for which purpose he 
had brought all kinds of artificers with him. His 
first act was to command the stone-cutters and 
others to make a cutting through a hill which lay 
on the east of the city outside the aqueduct, in 
order to divert the water; and when, as was said, 


they found the stone hard, they lit fires upon it, and 
cooled it when hot with vinegar, and so made it 
soft for working. He further set up against the 
city all the engines which Marcian had con 
structed against Nisibis, and invested it, and 
used every device of war for its capture during 
a period of six months. Among his machines were 
two towers, which he erected, but the Romans 
devised a plan for setting them on fire, and were 
successful, and burnt them, although all egress 
from the city was impossible. On the side of the 
besieged the generals were John, the son of Ti- 
mus Esthartus, a man of great warlike ability, 
and Sergius, the son of Shaphnai, and others. 
But Sergius, as they said, was struck by an 
arrow and died. After a time the Persian king, 
not finding the siege making progress, removed 
his tent and pitched it on a mountain on the 
northern side of the city, whence he could see 
every thing that was done within. And there 
also he ordered a tower to be built on more ele 
vated ground, opposite a great turret which rose 
higher than the rest, and which they called Her 
cules. And against this the besieged found all 
their efforts unavailing, while the besiegers were 
able to strengthen their tower, and bring it up 
close to the city. Sometime before this, when 
the king saw that his vast works had not terrified 
the inhabitants, he had given orders for a brick 
wall to be drawn all round the outer fortifica 
tions, that if they made a sally, they might be 
caught within it. But when he saw that all 


his stratagems were in vain, he fell ill, as was 
said, and was afraid lest he should die. He, 
therefore, sent a messenger to the city, request 
ing them to appoint some one to confer with 
him. Now there was there at the time a famous 
and illustrious man, named Cometes, whose 
office it was to interpret between the Romans 
and the Persians, and him the citizens chose as 
their deputy. And after a conference, the king- 
said to him, Tell the citizens they must give us 
five talents as ransom for the city, and we will 
withdraw from it. But he, as he acknowledged 
afterwards, being confident that the city was im 
pregnable, did not tell them of the king s offer. 
And when the king saw that the appointed day 
had passed by, and that they despised him, and 
sent him no answer, he was the more angry, and 
full of great wrath ; and attacked the city again, 
and strengthened and increased the tower which 
he had last built. But the Romans now despised 
and mocked him, and said, He will get only 
shame from this as from his other attempts. 
But this over-confidence led them to neglect the 
maintenance of a proper force upon the wall, 
especially as the cold was now great and in 
tense ; and they even came down from the ram 
parts, and went to their houses to eat and drink. 
But when the Persians saw that the wall was no 
longer guarded by the Roman soldiers, and that 
the tower which they had built exceeded the 
height of the fortifications, they set their in 
vention to work, and fastened planks together, 


until they reached the Avail; and passing over, 
they occupied the whole of it on one side of the 
city, and then began to descend within. And 
when on a sudden a cry was raised, that the 
city was taken, as the Persian army was far 
more numerous than the Romans, they were 
panic stricken and in confusion ; and all ran in 
crowds to the gates of the city to endeavour, if 
they possibly could, to escape. And when the 
Persians saw how numerous they were, they 
again were afraid, and anxious, and held back, 
and gave the Romans room to flee, lest they 
should turn and defend themselves. The Ro 
mans then ran to all the gates, and shouted for 
the keys, and search was made, but no keys 
could be found, for the generals had hidden 
them ; and as they saw that the Persians were 
growing every minute more numerous, and that 
the whole city was already full of them, and 
that they were hemmed in on all sides, and 
flight impossible, they recovered their courage, 
and threw themselves upon the enemy, prepared 
either to live or die. And so like harvest men 
they began mowing and smiting one another 
down like ears of corn ; and the battle was stern 
in the heart of the city, and for seven days, with 
the gates still closed, they slaughtered one an 
other, till the city was full of corpses, the smell 
of which became so unbearable, that they were 
obliged to drag them away, and throw them into 
the river and the cisterns. And when the Per 
sians saw that they were losing great numbers 


of their men, and that they could not get posses 
sion of the city, and take its spoil, being terrified 
moreover at the Romans, they fled and mounted 
upon the wall, and took counsel how they might 
effect their purpose by fraud. They sent a mes 
sage, therefore, to them, saying, Why thus do 
we slaughter and consume one another ? Come, 
and let us mutually pledge our word, and lay 
aside our weapons on both sides, and make peace 
with one another/ And as the Roman host now 
despaired of their lives, and saw that they were 
pressed by necessity, they accepted the proposal, 
and both sides pledged their word, and laid aside 
their arms, and approached one another confi 
dently as in peace. And as the Romans put 
confidence in their word, they were without fear ; 
but upon this a strong body of Persians entered 
the city, and at first both sides mingled with 
one another in peace ; but soon they began to 
plunder the city, and the fraud and perfidy of 
the Persians was made manifest. For they turned 
round and proved false to their word, and seized 
the Romans themselves, and put most of them 
to the sword ; and the rest they threw into 
chains, and took them to their king, with their 
nobles, and women of rank, and their princes ; 
and the king commanded them to be drowned in 
the river which flows by. And next he com 
manded that every one who had gold should 
bring it to him ; and that all the gold and silver 
that was found should be collected at his tent ; 
and in this way an immense quantity of gold 


was gathered, more, as was said, than a hundred 
or even two hundred talents, and piled up before 
him. As we are not however acquainted with 
the exact sum, we do not wish to decide falsely, 
but prefer passing by in silence whatever we 
have no means of knowing accurately. The king 
then, when he saw all this gold, called for the 
chief men of the city, and said to them, May 
the great God of heaven require at your hands 
the blood of all the souls that have perished on 
your side and on mine, since I did not ask of 
you so much as the hundredth part of the gold 
which is here piled up, to be given as the ran 
som for your city, and then I would have gone 
away. For to this effect I sent to you by Come- 
tes, and ye paid no heed to me. And when they 
heard these words, they swore unto him that 
they had never heard the proposal. And having 
summoned Cometes to convict them by his testi 
mony, he said to him, Did I not send this mes 
sage to them by you V He answered, Yes, my 
lord. c And you told them, said he. 4 No, my 
lord, he replied, I did not tell them, for I was 
afraid. Upon this, in great wrath, he sentenced 
him to death ; but subsequently said, Since 
thou hast been employed for both kingdoms, I 
will not slay thee. But he commanded that 
both his eyes should be put out. And thus he 
spoiled the city of a vast and incalculable prey, 
and took the people captive, and emptied it of 
its inhabitants, and left in it a garrison of his 
own, and returned to his land with an immense 


booty of the silver and gold taken from the in 
habitants, and the churches, and every where 
else. Its capture, and deliverance into the hands 
of the Assyrians d , took place seventy-two years, 
more or less, after the time of its first being 
founded by king Anastasius. 

Nor was Dara the only place captured and VI. 6. 
spoiled by Khosrun ; for while he lay encamped 
before it, as he saw that no attempt was made to 
raise the siege, he sent a Marzban, named Ador- 
mahun, with a large body of troops, to besiege 
Apamea, On his march thither, Adormahun 
stormed numerous castles, which fell in his way, 
and rased and burnt them, together with several 
strong and well fortified towns, and at length 
arrived at Apamea. Now, upon a previous occa 
sion, the Persian king, after capturing Antioch, 

d The Persians, I imagine, are here called Assyrians, not be 
cause that country belonged to them, but in a biblical sense, as 
the type of the enemies of God s people. The capture of Dara 
was the greatest misfortune which for many years had befallen 
the*Romans, and the news of it spread universal consternation 
throughout Constantinople, but it led to the one redeeming 
action of Justin s life ; for as it was now evident, even to him 
self, that abler hands than his own must guide the vessel of the 
state, he consented to appoint Tiberius as Caesar. The fall of 
Dara occurred in A. D. 566, and the account given by Theoph. 
Sim. iii. xi. agrees with our author. He says, o TOV JJepo-iKov 

/3a(TiAev, AaiAaTTos 1 diKrjv es ras Adpas yeyovws, Kal fj,rjvas el~ KaraTroAf- 
pfjo-as TO TToXioyza, X6(povs re KOI ^apa/ca rrj TroXet irepiypa^dfjifvos, TO 
Tf vdcop neTox(TCvo-as TOV nWfor, nvpyovs T( avnOtrovs di 
<ra$, *at \fTr6\CLS TrnpacrTT/cra/jiei/os, ^fipoOrat rr)V 

c c 


had once before laid siege to Apamea, and press 
ed it so hard, that finally it capitulated ; and the 
king in person entered the walls, and was a spec 
tator of an equestrian entertainment in the Hip 
podrome ; and because he then destroyed none 
of the buildings, nor set fire to any thing, they 
now felt equal certainty that the Marzban on 
the present occasion would do them no harm. 
In this confidence, therefore, the princes of the 
city and the bishop went out to meet him, and 
carried him a dress of honour. And he treacher 
ously said to them, Inasmuch as your city is 
now ours, open unto me the gates, that I may 
enter in and inspect it. And they trusting to 
him, and not expecting that he would do them 
any injury, opened the gates and admitted him 
within the walls. But no sooner had he entered 
than he seized the gates, and began to lay hands 
on and bind men and women, and spoil the city. 
And they brought out the prey, and all the 
people of the city, and put them outside the 
walls, and utterly spoiled Apamea, which w^as 
full of the accumulated wealth of many years, 
and rich beyond most of the cities of the east ; 
and when they had thus placed all the popula 
tion, and the bishop with them, and all the 
booty outside the walls, they set fire to it, and 
burnt the whole of it from one end to the other. 
Having thus completed their work of destruction, 
they took with them their captives and the spoil 
both of Apamea and the other towns, and re- 


turned to the king, who was still sitting before 
Dara. And the captives were counted in the 
king s presence, and their number was two 
hundred and ninety-two thousand ; and they 
were divided among the troops, and taken into 
the Persian territories. Shortly afterwards the 
king captured Dara, and spoiled it, and found in 
it immense wealth ; for being regarded by all 
the neighbouring towns as impregnable 6 , they . 
had fled thither, carrying their valuables with 
them ; and all this and the people he took, and 
carried with him into his land. 

The next action recorded of the Persian mo- vi. 7. 
narch is of a most tragic character; for being 
intoxicated with the glory he had gained in this 
expedition, and his mind elated by the greatness 
of the booty torn from the Roman territory, he 
gave orders that there should be selected from 
the captives two thousand virgins, full-grown, 
and of perfect beauty. And when they had been 
selected according to his orders, they were 
brought before him ; and he commanded that 
they should be adorned in every thing like 
brides, in splendid and costly garments, and gold 
and silver, and jewels and pearls, and sent as a 
present to the barbarians who dwell in the heart 

e Literally, as Beth Merda, which cannot be taken, a name 
given in I Mace. i. 35. ii. 45, to the acropolis at Jerusalem, and 
translated in our version, * a stronghold. The Arabs also gave 
the same name to the citadel of Duma, which they regarded a^ 

C C 2 


of his territories, and who are called Turks f , in 
order to please and content them, and hire their 
services. And when every thing had been done 
according to his command, and they were 
adorned magnificently, he appointed two Marz- 
bans to form their escort, with a body of troops, 
and supplied them with large funds for their ex 
penses, and sent them away, with strict injunc 
tions that they should not be hurried on their 
journey, but travel quietly and at their leisure, 
that they might not grow thin, and lose their 
beauty. But these virgins being in deep grief, 
not only because of their separation from their 
fathers and brothers, and other relatives, but also 
because of their souls, which would be lost by 
their removal from Christian instruction ; and 
their bodies, which were to be delivered into the 
savage hands of barbarians and enemies, with 
tears and bitter lamentations, spake one to an 
other in their own tongue, as being now sisters ; 
and all with one consent prayed for death instead 
of life. And their great grief was known to the 
other Syrian captives, natives of their own coun 
try, who were with the Marzbans, and to those 
also who were appointed to escort them, and at 
tend to them: for they revealed to them in secret, 
as being natives of their own homes, their long- 

f In the MS. the scribe has accidentally omitted their name, 
but from a comparison with the twenty-third chapter of this 
book, it is plain that after ^j^Aic (p. 360. 1. 17. ed. Cureton.) 
we ought to read <XOAO;O, Turkis. 


ings for death, as subsequently became known to 
every one, and was attested by their countrymen 
and compatriots. When then they had travelled 
to within fifty leagues of the barbarous people for 
whom they were intended, and learnt that they 
had reached the regions which were their final 
destination, it so happened that there came in 
their way a very broad and rapid river, which 
they found great difficulty in crossing. And as 
those who had charge of them had orders to give 
them rest, and not to hurry them, they encamped 
for a day upon the bank of this river. And here 
they all took counsel with one another, and in all 
there was but one and the same noble and courage 
ous purpose, to despise death. They hastily there 
fore conferred with one another, and said, Let us 
all understand, that when, in company with the 
heathen, we have polluted ourselves with their 
heathen ways, and impure meats, and horseflesh, 
and things that have died or been strangled, and 
have lost our Christianity, we must still finally 
all die, and go to the judgment of doom. Whereas 
now we are all sisters, and Christians, and the 
daughters of Christian parents: let us not, then, 
separate from one another, but with one will and 
one soul and one mind, let us all firmly hold to 
one purpose, and before our bodies are defiled by 
the barbarians, and our souls polluted, and death 
finally overtake us, let us now, while our bodies 
are still pure, and our souls free from heathenism, 
in the Name, and trusting to the Name of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, offer unto Him in purity both 


our souls and bodies, by yielding ourselves up now 
to death, that we may be saved from our ene 
mies, and live for evermore. For it is but the pain 
of a moment which we have to endure in defence 
of our Christianity, and for the preservation of 
our purity in body and in soul. And upon these 
words, they all firmly united in one purpose and 
secret covenant ; and having pledged themselves 
to one another by a solemn oath, they all in a 
body threw themselves into the river, and were 
drowned, and so escaped the hands of the bar 
barians : nor was there any one who did not 
cheerfully embrace this resolution. But as their 
keepers closely watched them, they kept their 
purpose secret, and waited for an opportunity; 
and as they were never left alone, they said, If 
you will grant us permission, we wish to wash 
on the banks of this river/ And as they had re 
ceived orders to endeavour to please them, they 
gave them leave. But they said, We are ashamed 
to wash ourselves, if you stand by us, and look 
on : but if you will stand at a little distance from 
us, we can then wash/ And so they left them, 
and withdrew. And when they had all strength 
ened and encouraged one another, and all signed 
themselves in the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
they threw themselves suddenly by one hasty 
rush into the river, and were drowned. And as 
the keepers watched the river, they saw some of 
them floating and carried down the stream on 
the surface in a mass, and others sinking: and 
on hurrying to the place where they had asked 


leave to wash, they saw not a single one of them 
alive. And, with bitter lamentations, they ran 
hither and thither, to save, if they could, but one 
of them, and were not able, nor could they rescue 
them. And thus these weak ones becoming strong 
in Christ in defence of their Christianity, com 
mitted their souls into the hand of God, that 
they might be saved in soul and body from the 
impurity and savageness of the barbarians. 

The conquest of Dara and Apamea was followed VI. 
by a truce of three years duration, ignominiously 
purchased by the Romans for the sum of three 
talents. It extended, however, to Syria only : for 
in Armenia the war was continued on both sides. 
Now the cause of this w r ar, which was the sur 
render of themselves by the inhabitants of the 
Greater or Persian Armenia to the Romans, has 
already been briefly detailed by us in our previ 
ous history : we will now therefore proceed with 
the events which followed the revolt. The Per 
sian king, then, being hurried away by his vanity 
at the successful conquest of Dara, and deceived 
by the pride of his heart, and assured moreover 
by the truce just concluded, that he had no war 
to fear in Syria, assembled his army, and boldly 
invaded Armenia, with the purpose of invest 
ing Theodosiopolis, the border town, and thence 
penetrating to Csesarea in Cappadocia, and thence 
onward to other cities : and so confident was he 
of success, that when Theodore the Silentiary 
was sent to him as ambassador, and noticed that 
he was upon the point of starting upon a military 


expedition, he made him go with him; and on 
his requesting to be allowed to depart, he said to 
him in derision, Come with me to Armenia, and 
we will together enter into Theodosiopolis, and 
there you shall bathe and refresh yourself, and 
then I will let you go/ And so he brought him 
with him into Armenia, being perfectly persuaded 
that without trouble he should capture the citys. 
But when the Roman armies heard these things, 
although greatly terrified at the name of the 
king, they nevertheless made preparations for 
meeting him in the field : and when he saw how 
strong they were, he was greatly disturbed ; for 
their number, as was said, was more than a hun 
dred and twenty thousand men. When then they 
met him, and drew up in order for battle, he was 
alarmed, and would not give it, but marched 
toward another city. And they also hastened 
thither, and threw themselves in his way, and 
repulsed him from thence also. And as they had 
now made trial of his army, their own courage 
grew, and they despised him. And as he saw 
that matters were not advancing according to 
his wish, he marched towards the mountains on 
the northern frontier towards Cappadocia, with 
the intention of attacking Csesarea. But when 
the Roman armies saw this, they also marched 

An answer of Theodore, preserved by Menaiider, p. 1 60, is 
worth preserving. One day Khosrun boastfully asked him, if he 
imagined that a town like Theodosiopolis could resist the arms 
of the conqueror of Dara. But Theodore replied, Any town is 
impregnable which God guards. 


thither, and arrived before him, and posted them 
selves in his way, and met him in the mountains 
of Cappadocia, and stopped his further progress, 
and would not let him pass over. And there they 
encamped opposite one another for several days, 
nor would he venture to engage with them in a 
general hattle. And when he saw that they were 
more numerous and powerful than himself, and 
that he could not pass by them, and march upon 
Csesarea, he was greatly disturbed and alarmed, 
and began to plan how he might, if possible, ef 
fect his escape to his own land. But his Magian 
priests blamed him, and dissuaded him from this 
course, and at their instigation he wheeled round, 
and leaving Cappadocia, advanced to attack Se- 
baste ; for though terrified as well as his men at 
the Roman armies, yet from shame of being ridi 
culed for not having accomplished any of his 
plans, he attacked and burned Sebaste with fire. 
But he could take neither booty nor captives, be 
cause the whole land had fled from before him. 
Crossing next from thence, he began to retreat 
towards the East, in the hope, if possible, of es 
caping homewards. But the Roman armies now 
despised him ; for having tried the mettle of his 
troops, they had learnt to regard them with con 
tempt, and were eager for battle. And when he 
saw that they had surrounded him, and were 
pressing upon him on all sides, he was compelled 
to flee in haste to the mountains, leaving behind 
him his camp, and all his equipage, that is, his 
tent, and retinue, and tent-furniture of silver and 


gold and pearls, and all his magnificent garments 
of state, and fleeing away empty. And the Romans 
hastened, and entered his camp, and took posses 
sion of it, and slew every one whom they found 
there, and laid hands upon his equipage, and that 
of his nohles; and also upon the fire-temple in 
which he used to worship, and upon the horses 
which drew it, and were harnessed to it. And the 
wealth gained from spoiling the king s haggage 
was so great, that the Roman soldiers who had 
found it deserted with their gains in a hody, and 
were never heard of nor seen afterwards. As for 
the Persians who had charge of it, such as ma 
naged to escape, went w r eeping to the king, and 
said, My lord, the Romans fell upon us, and 
have slain most of thy servants, and spoiled and 
plundered all thy camp. And when he heard 
this, he answered, Let them alone : and gave 
orders that his whole army should gather round 
him, and set up for him a wall of shields ; and 
he made them stand in their ranks, and riding 
through on horseback, he supplicated them, 
pointing to his gray hair, and saying, * My bro 
thers, and children, have pity upon my gray hair, 
and advance and fight for the kingdom of the 
Persians, that it may not be despised and ridi 
culed : See, I, on horseback, will fight along with 
you as an ordinary trooper. For his own princes 
were constantly contending with him, saying, 
Whether we live or die, Persia will get an ill 
name by us. For never at any time has any Per 
sian king done what you have done, and brought 


us here to die among these mountains/ This con 
versation, and the previous events, the Romans 
learnt subsequently from these persons them 
selves. The Persians consequently made their 
preparations, and descended on the opposite side, 
with the view of fleeing 11 to some city, and ad 
vanced towards Melitene : and had it not been 
for the envy and divisions which existed among 
the Roman generals, and prevented their acting 
in unison, they might utterly have destroyed 
both him and his army: for all that was neces 
sary for this was, that they should arrange a 
common plan of operations, and with their se 
veral divisions surround him. As it was, the Per 
sians advanced against Justinian the patrician, 
the son of Germanus ; and Justinian was afraid, 
and fled from the encounter : and his fellow ge 
nerals did not join him, nor come to his support. 
And when the king and his army saw this, they 
took courage, and were emboldened to attack and 
set fire to the city of Melitene. 

But the real object of Khosrun was chiefly to VI. 9. 
escape: and as soon, therefore, as he had de 
stroyed Melitene, he directed his march towards 
the Euphrates, in the hope of making good his 
retreat to his own land. But upon hearing this, 
the Roman generals wrote to him as follows: 
The deed thou hast accomplished in invading 

h Instead of v oop>.j> , that they might flee to some city, the 
right reading possibly is ^ r.\ t that they might destroy some 
city, 1 their object being to recover their honour before retreating 


our territories, and burning a city, is not in ac 
cordance with the rank of a king to do forsooth 
a piece of mischief , and beat a retreat. Even 
we, who are but the servants of a king, had we 
acted as thou hast done, it had been a disgrace 
to us : and how much more to thee, who art not 
merely a king, but, as thou accountest, even a 
king of kings. For it becomes not a king to 
emulate the deeds of those who come in thievish 
fashion to rob and run away, and set on fire and 
burn : rather it is a king s way, in the open light 
to stand up in battle mightily and boldly and 
royally : and should he conquer, then let him 
glory as a king in victory, but let him not enter 
like a robber, and destroy, and steal, and run 
away. Prepare thyself, therefore, and let us at 
length stand up in battle with one another in 
open fight, that it may be plainly known with 
whom both the victory and the defeat remains/ 
And when the king heard these things, he gave 
orders for battle the next day, in a plain to the 
east of the city, at some little distance from it. 
And in the morning the two sides approached 
one another in battle array, until but a small 
interval separated them: and there they stood 
in their ranks facing one another from morning 
until the sixth hour, and not a man moved from 
his place, the king himself being posted in the 
rear of his army : and so they stood looking at 

1 I imagine |.Mnm\p to be /cXaoyiara : the sense therefore may 
be, to act piecemeal, l on a petty, nibbling scale, like one break 
ing off small fragments. 


each other, and waiting to see who would begin 
the fight. And those who gave me this account, 
with the strongest asseverations of its truth, and 
who were the officials appointed to act as inter 
preters between the Romans and the Persians, 
said, At length three of us spurred our horses, 
and sprang forth from the Roman ranks into the 
space between the two armies, and went at full 
speed close up to the Persian ranks, and wheel 
ing round returned at full speed : and this we 
did three times, without being attacked by them, 
riding as fast as our horses could carry us, while 
both sides watched us intently, as our object 
was to provoke them to battle. But not a man 
moved from his place, or came out against us, 
but they stood still like a wall in their ranks/ 
And no message passed between either army, 
until finally Khosrun sent to say, * There can 
now be no battle to-day : for the time has pass 
ed : and so the two armies parted for the pre 
sent. But during the night, before the day 
dawned, the king and his army made for the 
Euphrates, in the hope, by using every exertion, 
of crossing the river, which is six miles distant 
from Melitene: but the Romans were upon his 
track, purposing to drive him into the river, and 
destroy him. And in this they were successful : 
for their rapid march had thrown the Persians 
into confusion ; and at the sight of the Roman 
army pressing close upon them, they hurried on 
horseback into the river, and more than half the 
army sank there, and were drowned. But the 


king himself and the rest with difficulty swam 
over to the other side on their horses, and 
escaped, and marched rapidly into the Roman 
Armenia: and as they hastened along, he gave 
orders to set fire to all the villages which came 
in their way. And thus finally he reached the 
lofty mountains of Carkh k , where never yet had 
road been: and he was compelled to make his 
army advance before him, and construct a road, 
cutting through forests, and occasionally, in order 
to open a path, they had to dig through rocks, 
and hew the stones away : and in this manner, 
vexed and anxious in mind, he scarce escaped 
from the hands of the Romans, and arrived in 
his dominions in great distress : and there he 
published an ordinance, and made a law, that 
the king henceforth should not go out in person 
to war, except against another king ] . 
VI. 10. Success had now for some time attended the 
Roman arms, and their generals had gained great 
glory in many important victories, and had van 
quished all who were sent to oppose their pro 
gress: they had also captured and subdued the 
northern tribes, who previously had been subject 
to the Persians, and further carried their de- 

k The reading probably ought to be JA/?^O?, as the mountains 
of Kardaikh must be meant, Khosrun s route being through the 
Lesser Armenia, and, as Theophylact tells us, Arzanene. The 
difficulties of these mountains we already know from Xenophon s 
account of the passage of them by the ten thousand. 

1 Theophylact, iii. 14, also mentions this law, and is ridiculed 
by Gibbon for giving credit to it, but apparently without reason. 


vastations for many scores of leagues into the 
enemy s dominions, and penetrated within a hun 
dred miles of his capital, spoiling every thing in 
their way, and especially carrying off the ele 
phants, until they had filled Constantinople with 
these animals. The full account of their suc 
cesses would exceed the limits of our history, 
but all Persia trembled before them. When 
however, in the year 880 of Alexander, (A. D. 
577 m ,) the Persian king withdrew to his do 
minions, the Romans laid all care aside, and 
were elated with pride, as men who had va 
liantly withstood the king in person. Hence 
forward they acted as though they had nothing 
to fear, and imagined that now at length they 
were finally delivered, and at rest from all wars 
and conflicts. And similarly the troops in their 
camps were full of over-confidence, and careless 
ness, and had put off their arms, and sent their 
horses away to pasture, when suddenly their 
outposts came in, and said, Arise, and arm 
yourselves : for the Persian army is upon you, 
with the Marzban Tarn Khosrun n : look to your 
selves/ But they ridiculed the idea, and said, 
contemptuously, Do you think they would ven 
ture to come and find us, and show themselves 

m Menander puts this event in the autumn of 576. 

n This is the Tay^oo-fipo) mentioned by Menander, Maii Script. 
Vet. Nov. Col. ii. 364, where we learn that he met with a mor 
tal wound from some unknown hand : upon which Menander 
frigidly remarks, that there was nothing very wonderful in this, 
for chance rules such things. 


to us? And they paid no attention, nor troubled 
themselves to get ready ; so that, as my inform 
ants said, the Persian army was upon them, 
when they were not only not prepared for battle, 
but not ready even to show their faces. When 
then they saw them approaching in long files, firm 
as a wall, a panic and terror fell upon them all 
alike, and confusion : for they had not brought 
in their horses, and were occupied solely with 
eating and drinking and gluttony: and some 
were here, and some there. And as each one 
caught sight of the enemy, he was terror- 
stricken, and began to flee at full speed : and 
others caught the infection, and fled, because 
their comrades fled : and the generals, when 
they saw themselves left alone, and that their 
troops were in full flight, fled too : and he who 
could get his arms, and catch his horse, mounted, 
and rode away ; and he who could not catch his 
horse, fled away on foot, carrying his arms at 
first, but when he grew tired with running, he 
threw them away upon the road, and fled wea 
ponless. And some even of those who were 
mounted, and had their arms with them, on 
growing tired, threw them away; or if their 
horse grew weary, they dismounted, and fled 
away on foot. As for the Persians, they followed 
them at their leisure, not so much pursuing after 
them, as jesting and ridiculing and laughing at 
them, because when they were a hundred and 
twenty thousand in number, while they them 
selves were not more than thirty thousand, they 


were thus panic-stricken and fled away, though 
they had not been terrified nor fled from their 
king. And thus at last, shame and an ill name 
fastened upon all the Roman armies, with their 
commanders ; for the Persians did not so much 
as draw sword against them, nor bend the bow, 
nor shoot a single arrow, but gathered up the 
arms and coats of mail, which they had scattered 
in their flight, and their breastplates, and shields, 
and helmets, and spears and swords, and lances 
and bows, and quivers full of arrows, beyond 
numbering. And the cause of their defeat, as 
all men said, was, that the Romans had made 
God angry : for when they entered the northern 
territories of the Persian realm, where the people 
are all Christians, and the priests went out to 
meet them, carrying the Gospel, and bearing 
crosses, they paid them not the slightest rever 
ence : and finally, in impious sport, they even 
went so far as to seize hold of little children, 
of one and two years of age, and, taking them 
one by one leg, and another by the other, threw 
them as high up in the air as they could, and 
then caught them as they fell on their spears 
and swords, and running them through, cast 
them to their dogs. Nor did they confine their 
cruelty to children, but treated the monks also 
with contempt, and slew and plundered them : 
and still more, they dragged out of their retire 
ment the hermits, men of great age, and highly 
esteemed, who had practised asceticism for many 
years, and hung them up, and tortured them, 



and mutilated them with their swords, saying, 
Bring us gold and silver/ And the nuns they 
tortured in a similar manner, even till they died 
miserably from their cruelty. And as was ge 
nerally said, it was because of these atrocious 
deeds, by which they had made God angry, that 
He put them to shame, and brake them before 
their enemies, nor could they stand up against 

When such were the excesses allowed by the 
lax discipline of the Roman camp, it is no won 
der if Armenia began to grow weary of its de 
fenders, and willingly made terms again with the 
VI. n. Persians. Our historian, therefore, after refer 
ring to his previous history for an account of the 
rising of Armenia, and of the journey of the Ca- 
tholicus of Dovin to Constantinople, and his mag 
nificent reception there, and that of the nobles 
who accompanied him, now tells us, that after 
the king of the Romans had undergone all these 
conflicts with the Persians in their defence, being 
unwilling to abandon those who, for the sake of 
Christianity, had sought refuge with him ; and 
had further, so to say, enriched all the Arme 
nians with gifts and magnificent presents, and 
granted them an immunity from taxation for 
three years ; and when the Persian sent to him, 
saying, Give me up my slaves who have rebelled 
against me/ had refused to consent: after all 
this, when finally the Persian had recourse to 
artifice, and promised the Armenians in writing 
not to do them any evil, nor remember their 


offence against him, they then all deserted the 
Roman side, and the whole country delivered 
itself up to him, except those princes who had 
taken refuge with the king at Constantinople. 
Omitting them, the number of those who sur 
rendered was twenty thousand men, and the 
government of the Persian king was restored 
there as of old. Of those who stayed at Con 
stantinople, the leading men were Vardun with 
his retinue, and the king of a tribe who also had 
come over to the Romans, and whose name was 
Gorgonis ; and both were still treated with great 
honour, because they had come for refuge, and 
surrendered themselves to king Justin, in the 
fifth year of his reign, which Avas the year of Alex 
ander 882 (A. D. 571). The war, however, upon 
their account lasted for several years afterwards. 

Attempts, however, were made from time to VI. 12. 
time to bring about a peace, and in the year 887 
(A. D. 576) three members of the senate were 
sent to the borders as ambassadors, whose names 
were Theodore the Patrician, the son of Peter 
Magister , and John and Peter, who were both 
of consular rank and of the family of king Ana- 
stasius, and Zacharias, a physician of Arx Roma- 
norum and a learned man, went with them. On 
the Persian side came Mabodes and others ; and 
the place appointed for their meeting was near 
Dara, which the Persians occupied ; and their 

The Magister, or, more fully, Magister officiorum, was one of 
the chief dignitaries in the emperor s household. 

D d 2 


instructions were to inquire into and settle the 
matters in dispute between the two states, as 
each side accused the other of misconduct, say 
ing, * Ye transgressed what was fitting in such 
and such matters. And especially they each 
threw upon the other the blame of having vio 
lated the peace, the one side saying, Ye were 
the first to break it, by crossing our borders and 
devastating our land; while the other replied, No; 
it was your Arabs who first crossed and wasted 
our territories. And thus they remained, coming 
to no conclusion, but stirring up grounds of quar 
rel and dispute, till they even proceeded so far 
as to personal altercations and insults. And in 
this way they spent a year and more in debate 
with one another, each side sending reports to 
their own sovereign, which, because of the illness 
of king Justin, the godloving Caesar Tiberius re 
ceived at Constantinople, and answered ; and 
wliile both sides were anxious for peace, neither 
would humble itself to the other, nor acknow 
ledge its weakness ; and consequently they con 
fronted one another with the appearance of de 
termination. For the Roman Caesar sent to the 
Persians, saying, We rejoice in peace far more 
than in war ; and if you wish for peace, we will 
not hold back : but if you wish for war, we shall 
not prove less brave than you are, but are ready 
to meet you. But the Persian supposed, that 
because three talents of gold had been given 
him as the price of peace for three years, he 
might now look for a talent as yearly tribute in 


return for his consent to a treaty. But when 
the Caesar knew this, he sent in answer, You 
are greatly mistaken if you imagine that the 
Roman realm will give you a single pound as 
the price of peace, or will purchase peace with 
gold at all. If, therefore, you wish that the two 
kingdoms should make peace with one another 
on equal terms, well and good ; but if not, you 
will have war/ And when the Persian learnt 
that this was his decision, he was not a little 
alarmed, and consented that a peace on equal 
terms should be made without gold. And when 
the Ceesar received this answer, he wrote back in 
return, Know for certain that the Roman realm 
is no paltry state, but has ever been a powerful 
empire, and owed subjection to no one : nor can 
I tell for what reason the kings my predecessors 
submitted to give to the Persians a yearly sum 
of five talents of gold. Learn, therefore, that 
neither to you nor to any other will the Roman 
realm henceforward for ever give as much as 
five pounds. For your ambassadors were so 
arrogant as to say to the barbarous tribe called 
Turks, " The Romans are our slaves, and as des 
picable slaves, pay us tribute." If, therefore, you 
do not abandon this payment, there can be no 
peace between us/ And though he had already 
surrendered much, yet he not merely immedi 
ately consented, but ordered the payments to be 
discontinued ; and had copies made in writing of 
the conditions of peace, and sent them to the 
borders to the ambassadors. And when the 


Caesar saw that he had submitted to these terms, 
he further sent to him, Give us up at once the 
city of Dara, and we will make peace. And 
w r hen the Persian received this message, he was 
greatly disturbed, and wrote, Dara I took by the 
laws of war ; but you did not take the lands of 
our slaves the Armenians by war, and yet you re 
tain them. Give me back Armenia, and I will give 
you back Dara/ But the Csesar could not bear 
the idea of surrendering the Armenians, because 
they were Christians, and had therefore given 
themselves up to the kingdom which represented 
Christendom ; and therefore upon this point the 
ambassadors of the two powers had so violent a 
quarrel with one another, that they put on their 
arms, and were ready to meet in battle. Thus, 
then, they separated from one another, in mutual 
displeasure, and the negotiations were broken off, 
and both realms prepared for war. And the 
Persian ambassador sent for the military com 
manders, and gave them orders, saying, Go, and 
take measures for the safety of the marches, as 
we shall not make peace with the Romans. 
VI. 13. But the Persians not only took measures for 
their defence, but also invaded the Roman terri 
tories : for there had been present at the confer 
ences a powerful Marzban, named AdormahunP ; 
and no sooner were the negotiations broken off, 
than being enraged at some reproaches addressed 

P In Theophylact his name often appears as Adoppaavrjs, Aclor- 



by the ambassadors to himself, he collected his 
troops, and began to waste and burn every thing 
on which he could lay hands, in the districts 
round the strong towns of Dara, and Tela% and 
Telbesme, and Resaina, sparing neither churches 
nor monasteries, nor any thing throughout the 
land. And thus he wasted and burnt and slew 
as far as Tela ; to the inhabitants of which town 
he sent, saying, Deliver unto us your city, lest 
the same fate happen to you as to the people of 
Dara, and ye perish. For where now are your 
ambassadors who were threatening us ? Let them 
come hither, and attack us/ But the people of 
Tela answered, * We cannot surrender our town 
to you, for we have received letters, with the in 
telligence that the patrician Justinian is already 
on his march, and has with him sixty thousand 

( l Tela, or Tela Mauzalat, otherwise called Constantina, in ho 
nour of the emperor Constantine, who rebuilt it in A. D. 350, 
was situated about fifty-five miles due east of Edessa. Of Tel 
besme little is known : Asseman mentions a defeat of the Romans 
there in A. D. 503, and in B. O. ii. 1 1 1 commemorates the build- 
ing of a monastery on a mountain at Telbesme by Athanasius, 
bishop of Maipheracta ; to which he again refers in p. 228, and 
adds, that it was one of five Mesopotamia!! towns in which 
John, bishop of Marde, erected magnificent churches of stone and 
lime. Resaina, otherwise called Callirhoe, and Theodosiopolis, 
lay about seventy miles to the south-east of Edessa, and was one 
of the most considerable cities of Mesopotamia. It had its name 
from Theodosius the Great, who restored it in A. D. 381 ; but it 
was not till A. D. 506 that Anastasius followed his policy of pro 
tecting Mesopotamia by powerful fortifications, and built Dara, 
which for half a century was the bulwark of the Roman empire 
in those regions, and called, after its founder, Anastasiopolis. 


Lombards : and were we now to surrender our 
selves to you, he would come, and utterly exter 
minate us from the land/ Upon hearing this, the 
Persians withdrew, but not till they had burnt 
the great and magnificent temple of the Mother 
of God, which stood outside the city ; and having 
done whatever other mischief they could, they 
retreated to Dara. And the Marzban derided the 
Romans, and was greatly elated at the devasta 
tion he had wrought, and the captives he had 
taken, and the great booty which his men had 
carried off. 

VI. 14. As the Roman reverses in the East had arisen 
from the want of a good understanding among 
the generals, who carried their quarrels by letter 
even into the Caesar s presence, he determined to 
send thither an officer of his own court, whose 
name was Maurice, and who held the same post 
which he had himself possessed before he was 
made Caesar, being Comes excubitorum, or count 
of the body-guard, for which reason he is generally 
known by the name of the Count Maurice. Having 
summoned him, therefore, he gave him orders to 
proceed to the East as commander-in-chief of all 
the forces there, with authority to govern and direct 
and control all the generals and tribunes of the 
whole army, and that no one should venture, on 
any pretext, to transgress his orders and the 
word of his mouth. And further, he gave him 
power to appoint and to dismiss any officer from 
the service at his sole discretion ; and sent with 
him many talents to provision the troops, having 


also just previously commissioned Gregory the 
prefect of the Praetorian guards a man who had 
distinguished himself in all the affairs of Arme 
nia to proceed thither to administer and take 
charge of the sums of money disbursed for the 

No sooner then had the illustrious Maurice 
received his orders, than he set out on his jour 
ney, and arrived first in Cappadocia; where he 
began to collect troops; and numerous Romans, 
and excubitores, and officials 1 ", and common sol 
diers had accompanied him from the capital to 
enlist under his standard, which was now joined 
by hosts of Iberian and Syrian recruits. Directly 
then that he had gathered an army, he marched 
forward and encamped between Armenia and 
Syria, at the town of Citharizon : and there he 
assembled all the generals, and conferred with 
them, and appointed them their posts, and gave 
them their orders, and encouraged them, and 
sent them away. And for two months he re 
mained there, and his name spread abroad, and 
fear fell upon all the Persians, who saw that the 
Roman armies were more numerous and more 
powerful than themselves. Being afraid then of 
meeting them in open battle, they contrived a 
stratagem, and while their real object of attack 
was that part of Armenia which borders upon 
Persia, they sent to the inhabitants of Theodosio- 

r John of Ephesus especially mentions the scribones, whose 
duties have been explained above. 


polls 8 the following message: After thirty days, 
be ready, and meet us in battle/ And when the 
Romans received this message, they sent to in 
form the count Maurice, who immediately gave 
orders that his whole force should get ready for 
the encounter. But the Persians, immediately 
that they had sent the message, the object of 
which was to deceive the Romans, put their stra 
tagem into execution, and made their prepara 
tions, and gathered their forces, and crossed over 
into their territories, making their inroad un 
awares at a place near Maipherkat*. And as soon 
as they had entered the Roman territory, they 
began to devastate and burn all the land of So- 
phene, and especially the churches and monaste 
ries : and in the same way they treated the dis 
trict of Amid; and on approaching the town itself, 
they burnt all its suburbs, up to its very walls, 
and destroyed every church, and the large mo 
nasteries situated there. And for three days they 
besieged the city ; but when they saw that they 
could not take it by storm, and were afraid lest 
Maurice should come upon them with his army 

8 That is, Resaina. 

* This place, better known as Martyropolis and Tagrit, was on 
a ford of the Euphrates in Sophene ; to Syriac scholars it has the 
additional interest that most of the MSS. brought from the Ni- 
trian deserts were collected in its neighbourhood, and bear its 
name on the fly-leaves. At Amid our author was himself born, 
and naturally therefore he took great interest in this region, and 
probably had more than ordinarily good means of information 
as to every thing that befell it. 


and put them to the sword, they raised the siege, 
and resumed their devastations, burning and 
spoiling the whole land of Mesopotamia like 
thieves, and finally wheeling round, retreated 
into their own country. And thus, while the 
Romans were preparing for the day appointed 
for battle, the Persians deceived them, and, like 
thieves and robbers, invaded and burnt and 
wasted and spoiled the whole of Mesopotamia, 
The date of this invasion was the year of Alex 
ander 888 (A. D. 577), being the same as that 
on which Maurice had travelled thither from the 
capital: and the time spent by them in this rapid 
raid, and their hurried flight back to their own 
land, was eighteen days. 

On hearing of this inroad, the Count Maurice vi. 15. 
was very indignant ; and gathering his whole 
force, marched into Arzun u , a fertile province of 
Persia, in great anger at having been mocked 
and made the laughingstock of the Persians. 
And on entering it, they wasted and overthrew 
all that came in their way, and took a great 
booty, and advanced victoriously as far as the 
Tigris, burning and destroying the whole country 
as they went. But because the inhabitants were 
true Christians without guile, they came out to 
meet the armies and generals, with the holy ves 
sels and crosses and the gospel, asking of them a 
pledge for their lives, and saying, Have mercy 

u In Greek it is called Apfrvrjvf] ; cf. Theoph. iii. 15, who gives 
a short account of this invasion. 


upon us; for we are Christians like you, and 
ready to serve the Christian king/ And when 
Maurice and the rest heard these appeals repeat 
edly addressed to them, they shewed them mercy, 
and said, Whoever of you wishes to live, and 
serve the Christian king, let him bring hither his 
goods, and load all that he has upon his horse, 
and he shall live, and we will not slay him : but 
if we find him here after two or three days, he 
shall die/ And so the great majority of the 
people of Arzun, whosoever had escaped from 
the sword, fled into the Roman territory. And 
when the news was carried to the king, he gave 
orders for them to be sent to the island of Cy 
prus ; and they had lands allotted them among 
all the villages throughout Cyprus, and dwelt 
there. As for the Persians, who stole into the 
Roman territories, and made a rapid raid there, 
being afraid of Maurice, lest he should overtake 
them, after plundering and burning as much as 
they could for fifteen x days, they fled back, and 
retired into their own land. 

Of the proceedings of Maurice in the two fol 
lowing years, our author has given us no ac 
count ; but in A. D. 580 he made, in company 
with the Arab Mondir, the unsuccessful expedi 
tion against Persia, to which we have already 

x There is a slight discrepancy in the numbers, as in the pre 
vious chapter John informs us that they consumed eighteen days 
in their inroad. In the twenty-seventh chapter, however, he 
again fixes the period at fifteen days, and also in the thirty- 


referred, and which led to Mondir being delivered 
into the hands of the Romans by the treachery 
of his patron Magnus. 

The narrative of the expedition here given by 
John is as follows : At a subsequent time Mau- VI. 1 6. 
rice and Mondir the son of Harith king of the 
Arabs united their forces together, and inarched 
into the Persian territories by the route through 
the desert, and penetrated into the enemy s do 
minions for a distance of many score leagues, as 
far as Armenia. But on arriving at the great bridge 
there, upon which they had relied for crossing 
over, and subduing the wealthy cities upon the 
opposite side, they found it cut away : for when 
the Persians had learnt their intentions, they 
had destroyed it. And as they and their armies 
had undergone great fatigues, especially the Ro 
mans, they came to high words with one another, 
but nothing could be done except to return, with 
out having met with any success ; and it was 
with difficulty, and only after great fatigues, that 
they finally arrived back in safety in the Roman 
dominions. As both were equally irritated, they 
wrote angry accusations against one another to 
the king ; for Maurice thought that Mondir had 
sent information of their plans to the Persians, 
and had thus enabled them to break down the 
bridge to prevent his passa,ge a supposition 
which was false. And the king, before he could 
reconcile Maurice and Mondir with one another, 
had great difficulty, and was obliged to request 
the mediation of many of the leading men. And 


finally Maurice went to the king at Constanti 
nople, but whether or not he there accused 
Mondir is not known for certain. 

VI. 17. No sooner had Maurice and Mondir returned 
to their respective territories, and the Persians 
saw that their own land was free from the in 
vading army, than their Marzban, Adormahun, 
with a large force, crossed over into the Roman 
province, and entering the districts of Tela and 
Resaina, destroyed and burnt whatever he had 
left in his former invasion. Thence he marched 
into the fertile district of Edessa, and ravaged 
the whole province of Osrhoene, passing hither 
and thither in full confidence without fear, as 
though he were dwelling in his own land. And 
he continued there many days, not leaving so 
much as a house standing wherever he march 
ed, and making sport of the whole Roman army, 
because they were not able to drive him away. 
Soon after, when Maurice and Mondir returned 
from the Persian territories, wearied with the 
fatigues of the journey, and he learnt that they 
purposed to attack him, he sent to them in de 
rision, saying, Inasmuch as I have heard that 
you propose to fall upon me, do not trouble 
yourselves to come ; for you are exhausted with 
the fatigues of your march. Rest yourselves, 
therefore, a little, and I will come to you/ And 
after wasting and spoiling and capturing and 
doing whatever he liked, on hearing that they 
intended to attack him, he took with him all his 
booty and his captives, and withdrew from the 


Roman territories, and arrived in his own land 
without a single man attempting to drive him 
back of the two hundred thousand Romans who 
were eating at the king s expense ; nor w r as it 
till he had made up his mind to retreat that 
they commenced their march ; and when they 
could not overtake him, they said that he had 
fled too fast. 

In Mondir, however, the Persians found a more VI. 18. 
active enemy than in Maurice ; for when the 
Arabs under their rule had gathered their whole 
force, and been joined also by a division of the 
Persian army, they set out, intending to fall 
upon Mondir, and take vengeance upon him for 
having invaded their territories. But the war 
like Arab, on hearing of their purpose, deter 
mined to lose no time, but gathered his troops, 
and set out to meet them in the desert. And 
having learnt by his spies where and how many 
they were, he fell upon them suddenly, when 
they were not aware of his approach ; and in 
their alarm and confusion he put some to the 
sword, and destroyed them, and others he took 
prisoners, and bound, so that but few of them 
escaped. And thence he marched directly upon 
Hirah, and pillaged and burnt it ; and so return 
ed with great booty and numerous prisoners and 
surpassing glory. 

The prisoners whom the Persians had taken vi. 19. 
in Dara and Apamea, and the other cities which 
they had conquered, were counted in the king s 
presence at Nisibis, and found to be two hundred 


and seventy-five thousand. And such of them 
as were not there and then divided among the 
troops, were shut up in Antioch, a city which 
Khosrun had huilt in his own dominions in 
honour of his having captured and spoiled the 
famous city of that name ; and there he confined 
all those whom he had taken captive in Antioch, 
and in all the country round about, as well as 
the inhabitants of Dara and Apamea, and the 
places of which he had subsequently made him 
self master. But though confined and watched 
by a strong garrison, they did not desist from 
schemes and conspiracies, in the hope that some 
thing might be done to help them. They secretly 
plotted, therefore, with one of the Persians who 
guarded them and kept the walls, and prevailed 
upon him by a bribe of five hundred drachmae, 
which they collected among them, to let two of 
them down by night by a rope from that part of 
the wall where he was sentinel. The men se 
lected were two pious monks, both Arabs, whose 
names were, of the first, Benjamin, and of the 
second, who was his disciple, Samuel ; and their 
plan Avas, if they escaped thence in safety, at 
once to go to the king of the Romans, and tell 
him how many thousand captives were shut 
up in Antioch. And they all sent a message 
to him by their hands, saying, Lo, we are shut 
up here to the number of more than thirty thou 
sand men ; and the Persians who guard us are 
not more than five hundred : if, therefore, but 
one Roman general be sent, and show himself 


outside the walls, we will slay the Persians, and 
break out of the city, and return in safety to the 
Roman territories. And when this message had 
been intrusted in secret to the blessed Benjamin 
by the captives, the Persian who had received 
the bribe let him and his companion down by 
night from the wall with cords, and they fled 
away, and arrived safely in the Roman domin 
ions. And he delivered his message first to the 
Roman generals, and they sent him on with let 
ters to the king. And on his arrival at the capi 
tal, he came unto me ; and having delivered his 
message to the Magister, he went and informed 
the king Tiberius. But he paid it no attention, 
and acted as though he thought it was not true ; 
and so the deliverance ojf all these oppressed 
captives was deferred and nothing done. 

There may perhaps be nothing improper, VI. 20. 
though we are writing of a Magian and an 
enemy, in giving an account of the life and 
death of Khosrun, king of Persia. As the facts 
then themselves prove, he was a prudent and 
wise man, and all his lifetime he assiduously 
devoted himself to the perusal of philosophical 
works. And, as was said, he took pains to col 
lect the religious books of all creeds, and read and 
studied them, that he might learn which were 
true and wise, and which were foolish and full 
of absurdities and empty fables. And after the 
perusal and study of them all, he praised the 
books of the Christians above all others, and 
said, These are true and wise above those of 

E e 


any other religion/ And on this account he" the 
more constantly studied and read them, and be 
lieved their words : nor did he ever show him 
self an enemy of the Christians, and though in 
cited by the Magians against them, he was not 
often prevailed upon to consent to their being 
persecuted. Moreover, on one occasion the Ca- 
tholicus of the Nestorians, who was constantly 
at his court, accused before him the few orthodox 
bishops to be found in Persia: for the bishops 
generally throughout the whole country are Nes 
torians, and but few orthodox are found there. 
As then the Catholicus had brought serious 
charges against them, the king commanded them 
to assemble in his presence, and hold a dis 
cussion upon their faith, that he too might know 
and examine, in his own person, what was said, 
both on the one side and the other, and decide, 
after hearing their arguments, which were most 
in accordance with reason. And when the or 
thodox had arrived, he commanded that both 
sides should assemble, and enter into his pre 
sence : and on doing so, they were placed on 
opposite sides before him, the chief of the or 
thodox being a certain holy bishop, named 
Achudemes. And the king commanded them 
to argue and debate with one another as to their 
faith, upon which the Catholicus and his side 
began, while the orthodox waited until he had 
concluded his discourse, to which they then re 
plied, and disproved all his reasonings, and re 
futed him, having the king himself for judge. 


As however the arguments brought forward 
upon the two sides were lengthy, and not easy 
to write down, we must omit them. The king 
Khosrun, however, approved and praised what 
had been spoken by the orthodox, and said to 
the Catholicus, These men know what they say, 
and can establish and prove their words, and 
their arguments seem to me to be very true : 
but yours are confused and indistinct, and have 
no solid foundation ; nor do ye yourselves seem 
able to prove your words ; nor, in fact, do they 
seem to me to have any certainty and truth, like 
those spoken on the other side. And from this 
I perceive that you have accused them before 
me without just and fitting cause ; and now that 
I have myself seen and heard them, I command 
that ye never again offend against them, nor do 
them wrong/ And when he had uttered this 
command, all the orthodox fell down, and made 
obeisance to him, and thanked him, saying, 
Lord, they persecute us, and fall upon us, and 
spoil us, and uproot our churches and mona 
steries, and do not permit us to offer up in them 
our prayers and supplications unto God, that 
He would establish and watch over your life, 
and the welfare of your kingdom/ Upon which 
he comforted them, and bade them go and build 
their churches and monasteries : for no one/ 
said he, henceforth shall be permitted to injure 
you/ And thus having worshipped him, and 
prayed for him, they returned to their homes 
with great joy: and henceforward all the or- 


thodox in the Persian dominions dwelt there in 
great confidence and fearlessness, so as even to 
venture, after having received this command 
ment, upon doing a great act, which was no less 
than the setting up of a Catholicus of their own, 
by the hands of the blessed lord Jacob, the 
bishop of the orthodox, a thing which had never 
been done before in the Persian dominions : but 
from that time even until this day there has 
continued to be a Catholicus of the believers in 
Persia y. 

21. It appears also that the war between Persia 
and the Romans was a cause of great grief to 
him, and that he would readily have submitted 
to much for the purpose of reestablishing peace. 
And in testifying to this, let not men imagine 
that our purpose in giving this short history is 
to write a panegyric upon a Magian, though he 
was one in whom Samson s riddle came true, 
That out of the eater came forth meat, and out 
of the bitter came forth sweetness/ For what 
other epithet than bitter can we apply to a man 
who was wandering in heathen error ? Still, our 
purpose in recording his history is simply to 
throw light upon the events which we have de 
tailed above. When then the peace upon the 

y The first Catholicus, or Maphrian, was the very Achudemes 
meutioned above, as the chief speaker at the discussion with the 
Nestorians. His consecration took place A. D. 559, and sixteen 
years afterwards he was beheaded by Khosrun for baptizing a 
boy of the royal race : cf. Ass. B. O. ii. 441. 448 : Le Quien, 
Or. Christ, ii. 1533. 


marches was broken, he showed that he was 
vexed and grieved thereby; and even, as was 
said, when he was marching against Dara, the 
parchments on which were inscribed the terms 
of the peace, which had been made between the 
two empires, were carried before him, tied up 
and suspended towards heaven : while he him 
self said, Thou, great God, Who knowest all 
things, behold, I pray, that I neither have wish 
ed, nor now wish, for this devastation and shed 
ding of human blood, which is taking place 
between the two kingdoms/ And he gave fur 
ther proof of his desire for peace, when his end 
was nigh, by his readiness to make concessions. 
For he had imagined that he should receive a 
talent of gold for every year of the peace, as 
had been the case in the three years which had 
just elapsed. But when the ambassadors of the 
Romans and Persians met upon the borders to 
treat and confer about terms, the victorious Ti 
berius, as we have mentioned above, being then 
Caesar in the lifetime of Justin, and all the Per 
sians afraid of him, behaved himself manfully, 
and stood up, saying, The Roman realm is no 
abject state, nor in subjection to the kingdom of 
the Persians, nor will we give you a single talent 
in order that there may be peace. And if peace 
be not made on equal terms, I will never make 
peace with you at all for ever/ And this not a 
little alarmed the Persian king, and he assem 
bled his Magians together, and said unto them, 
We learn that the Csesar of the Romans is a 


young and warlike man ; and I, as ye see, have 
grown old, and can no longer bear the fatigue 
of wars. Let us therefore make peace with the 
Romans, for we cannot overcome them/ And 
so they conferred together, and sent the fol 
lowing answer : That ye may not imagine that 
I look to gold alone, and prefer gold to peace, 
lo ! now let us make peace on equal terms for 
both kingdoms, and put an end to the devasta 
tion at present going on ; nor do I ask for any 
thing/ But no sooner had he assented to this, 
than the victorious Caesar Tiberius threw upon 
him a second slight, saying, Do not imagine 
that of the gold which up to this time you have 
received from the Roman territories, you will 
ever receive again to the extent of a single 
drachm : for the Roman realm is not so weak 
as to pay tribute to the Persians/ To this the 
Persian sent in answer, The yearly subsidy of 
gold was settled by the kings who preceded you, 
nor had you any thing to do with the arrange 
ment : but know, that peace is far dearer to me 
than any thing whatsoever, and therefore I remit 
these talents also, and let us make peace/ And 
when the Caesar saw that the Persian gave way, 
and consented to these things, he sent him a 
further message, saying, If you will not give 
up Dara to us, we will not make peace with 
you/ And at this the Persians were irritated, 
and the peace broken off, and they separated at 
the marches in so hot a quarrel, as even to put 
on their arms in readiness for combat with one 


another. And immediately the work of devasta 
tion was resumed in both states. And just then 
at that very time Khosrun the king died, in the 
year 890, (A. D. 579,) and was succeeded by his 
son, after a reign, as they reckon, of forty-eight 

The name of the new king was Hormuzd, and VI. 22. 
his character was very different from that of his 
father. For as the reports of him show, and facts 
themselves prove, he was a ferocious and savage 
youth, and but slightly endowed with under 
standing. At the commencement of his reign, 
being proud and deficient in sense, he was so 
haughty and arrogant, as not even to send to the 
king of the Romans the usual symbols of his 
having succeeded to the throne, according to the 
custom of kings. For when Tiberius was ap 
pointed Ceesar, although the two realms were at 
feud and war, he did not depart from the esta 
blished usage of sending the customary marks of 
respect ; but one of his first acts after ascending 
the throne was to despatch presents to Khosrun 
as the symbol of his having commenced his 
reign, just as Khosrun, when he came to the 
throne, had done to king Justinian, whose reign 
began three years before his own. But this man, 
in his senselessness, haughtily said, Why should 
I send gifts of honour to my slaves? And ac 
cordingly he did not send them. Nor was this 
his only act of the kind. For certain Roman 
ambassadors had been sent to his father with 
presents and royal letters, but on their arrival at 


Antioch, had learnt that Khosrun was dead, and 
that his son reigned in his stead. But when our 
peace-loving sovereigns heard of it, they com 
manded the ambassadors to continue their jour 
ney, and carry the presents to the new king. 
But though he had given them permission in a 
haughty manner to enter his realm, nevertheless 
he received them with insult, and illtreated them, 
and threw them into prison, where he left them 
for a long time to languish in misery, till they 
were ready to perish and their lives be consumed. 
But at length, on the advice of the Magians, he 
let them go ; but even then he would not permit 
them to travel by the direct road, but sent per 
sons with them, with orders to take them over 
lofty and precipitous mountains, in the expecta 
tion that they would be worn out by the diffi 
culties of the way, and die : so that they even 
said to the escort, If you wish to kill us, why do 
you not openly slay us at once, instead of bringing 
us here to die of fatigue among these mountains? 
But the aid of God was with them, and brought 
them back in safety : and they related, both to 
the king and men generally, these proofs of the 
Persian s ferocity and want of sense. 

Our historian has on several occasions referred 
to a barbarous tribe, called Turks, who dwelt in 
the heart of the king of Persia s dominions ; and 
now he informs us, that they also were indirectly 
the occasion of the war breaking out between the 
VI. 23. Romans and Persians. For the first cause, he 
says, why the peace was broken was, that the 


Persarmenians surrendered themselves and their 
country to Rome : but there was a second cause, 
which greatly embittered the enmity, namely, 
that the king of the Romans had sent ambassa 
dors to the barbarous tribes, who live in the in 
terior of the Persian dominions, and whom they 
call Turchios : nor were there wanting minor 
causes of quarrel as well. As regards, however, 
the Turks, Justin had sent them an embassy in 
the seventh year of his reign, at the head of 
which was a prince named Zemarchus : and 
never before had a Roman embassy been sent to 
these numerous and powerful tribes. 

When, then, after journeying for a year, the 
ambassadors arrived in their dominions, he tells 
us, that one of the kings of these tribes (for they 
have eight other chiefs who dwell farther inland) 
on learning that an embassy had been sent unto 
them by the Romans, forthwith was alarmed 
and terrified, and began to lament and weep bit 
terly. And especially when he gave them audi 
ence, and saw them standing before him, he gave 
way for a long time to his grief, nor did any one 
venture to speak to him. Some then of those in 
the ambassadors suite went on to say, that when 
we saw him weeping thus bitterly, and that no 
one of his nobles ventured to speak unto him, we 
fell upon our faces before him, and told the inter 
preters to say, We would know of thee, O king, 
why, upon seeing us, who have been sent unto 
thee by thy brother, the king of the Romans, 
thou weepest thus? And he, on hearing our 


question, wept yet more bitterly for a long time, 
and did not speak a single word in answer for 
the space of two hours. And then his sobbings 
being somewhat stilled, he said unto us, That you 
may know the cause of my present lamentation 
and tears, lo ! I tell you, that for ages and from 
generations we have received this tradition, that 
whenever we should see ambassadors from the 
Romans enter these lands, we were to know for 
certain that the whole world was passing away, 
and being dissolved, and that all its kingdoms 
were coming to an end, and that forthwith in 
those times all mankind would destroy one an 
other. And when therefore I saw you, and re 
membered these things, I lamented and wept. 
After this, a long conference followed, and they 
spread out a splendid present of gold and silver 
and pearls, and magnificent state-dresses, and 
offered it unto him : and on seeing it, he was 
astonished, and accepted it ; and picking out 
those articles which were most magnificent and 
beautiful, he said, These are indeed the gifts of 
a great king/ Now by chance it so happened 
that there were present at that time at his court 
ambassadors of the Persians, and the king asked 
the Roman legates, Tell me, is it true what the 
Persians say, that the king of the Romans is 
their slave, and pays yearly tribute as a slave ( 
And when Zemarchus heard this, he replied, 
4 They speak falsely : for many Roman kings 
have invaded their lands, and devastated them, 
and taken their people captive: and when Trajan. 


a Roman king, invaded them, lie so overthrew 
and vanquished them, that to this very day they 
tremble and shake before the statue of himself 
which he set up in their land ; nor will any one 
of them venture, even to this day, to pass before 
it on horseback. But let them be summoned, 
and we will convict them in person of falsehood, 
nor will they be able to deny it. Accordingly 
the king gave the command, and on their arrival, 
he said to them, Did ye not tell me that the 
king of the Romans is your slave, and lo ! as 
these men inform me, to this very day ye do 
homage to, and tremble at, the image merely of 
a king of the Romans, which he set up in your 
land: and how, then, can they be your slaves, 
when ye tremble at the image of their king, and 
do it homage? Is this true? They say to him, 
Yes, my lord, it is true, that there is a statue of 
him in our land. And upon their acknowledging 
this, he said, Why then did ye speak to me 
falsely, and deceive me? And he swore, that, 
Were it not that I should then be as bad as you, 
I would take off your heads. And he dismissed 
them in anger. Upon their return to their king, 
they informed him, that Roman ambassadors had 
visited the Turks while they were there, and had 
questioned them respecting the image of Trajan ; 
And as we, said they, could not deny what 
they affirmed, he was angry with us, and sent 
us away in wrath: And the Persian, on hearing 
this, was greatly moved and enraged, and com 
manded that Trajan s statue should bo over- 


turned ; and he was embittered in his enmity by 
this occurrence, for he imagined that the Romans 
were stirring up these tribes against him, espe 
cially as the king of the Turks had greatly ho 
noured their ambassadors. Such, then, were the 
facts which occurred, according to the relation of 
the ambassadors, of which we have given a brief 
abstract. For on their return, after an absence of 
two years, they detailed much besides that was 
extraordinary and wonderful of the great popu- 
lousness of these tribes, and the astonishing cha 
racter of the regions they inhabit, and of their 
military institutions, and the uprightness of their 

VI. 24. While the Romans were waging war in the 
east with the Persians, in the west they were 
suffering almost greater miseries from the in 
roads of an abominable people, who, from their 
long hair, are called Avars. Their first appear 
ance in the Roman territories was in the days of 
king Justinian, who received their ambassadors 
with great honour, and made them rich presents 
of gold and silver and dresses and girdles and 
saddles ornamented with gold ; and sent also 
similar presents by their hands to their chiefs. 
And not only were they astonished at his bounti- 
fulness, but also quickly sent other ambassadors, 
whom he treated with equal munificence. And 
often on various pretexts they sent embassies, 
and he gave presents to them all, and sent them 
away loaded with gifts, imagining that by their 
means he should subdue all his enemies. And 


this continued until the murmuring against him 
grew general on the part both of the senate and 
the people ; for they said, He is stripping the 
whole kingdom, and giving it to barbarians/ 
And when Justinian departed from this world, 
and Justin, his sister s son, reigned in his stead, 
a troop of them had just come, to be loaded as 
usual with presents, and go their way. And 
after a few days they had an audience with Jus 
tin, and said to him, Give us as he used to give 
us who is dead ; and send us away to our king/ 
But Justin, having been one of those who were 
vexed and grumbled at the amount which these 
barbarians received, and carried out of the king 
dom, answered them, Never again shall ye be 
loaded at the expense of this kingdom, and go 
your way without doing us any service : for 
from me ye shall receive nothing/ And when 
the Avars began to threaten, he grew angry, and 
said, Do you dead dogs dare to threaten the 
Roman realm ? Learn that I will shave off those 
locks of yours, and then cut off your heads/ And 
at his command they were seized and hurried on 
board some boats, and turned out of the city, 
and taken across the strait, and imprisoned in 
Chalcedon. And as their number was fully 
three hundred men, a force was posted there to 
guard them, together with some of the royal 
bodyguard. And at the end of six months he 
loosed them and sent them away, with threats, 
that should he ever set eyes upon any of them 
again, either at the capital or in any part of his 


dominions, their lives should answer for it. And 
thus they were terrified at him, and kept quiet, 
and did not shew themselves for a long time: but 
filially, they sent ambassadors to him to ask for 
friendship and make submission, and to say, that 
whatever lie commanded them, they would do. 
And accordingly all his days they continued to 
be his friends. And as they were a powerful 
people, and rapidly grew in wealth and import 
ance by the conquest and plunder of many of the 
northern tribes, they finally carried their arms 
so far as to fall upon another powerful people, 
called the Gepidse, who dwelt upon the banks of 
the great river, the Danube ; and them they con 
quered, and took possession, of their territories, 
and dwelt there, and spread themselves in the 
rich lands which they had occupied far and wide. 
Still professing to be friends, they sent ambas 
sadors to Justin, and cunningly asked him, in the 
name of their king, to send artificers and masons 
to build him a palace and a bath. And on their 
arrival there, they built him a palace and a bath; 
and as soon as both buildings were completed, 
they requested to be sent away to their homes : 
but now at length he shewed his treachery, and 
revealed the guile that was in his heart, and 
seized them, and drew his sword, saying, Unless 
you build a bridge by your art over the Danube, 
that we may pass over whenever we wish, there 
shall not one of you live, for I will immediately 
cut off your heads. And when he pressed them, 
they said to him, Who could possibly build a 


bridge over a river as wide as a sea ? And even 
if we could do so, it would be injurious to the 
Roman state, and the king would put us to 
death. Whether therefore we die, or whether we 
live, we cannot do what you ask/ But upon this 
answer, he had two of them immediately behead 
ed : and the rest, terrified at the sight of their 
execution, promised that if he would give orders 
for as many large timber-trees as possible to be 
brought, they would make a bridge to save their 
lives. And upon this, a numerous body of men 
were sent out to cut down the tallest and largest 
trees : and urged on by the fear of being slain by 
the sword, they planned and executed a very 
strong bridge. 

And when king Justin had reigned thirteen 
years, he departed from this world, and the vic 
torious Tiberius, who had for four years been 
associated with him in the government as Csesar, 
succeeded him as sole emperor. And as this 
bridge was the cause of no little annoyance both 
to himself and the whole state, he endeavoured 
in the third year after the death of Justin, by all 
the means in his power, to cut it away, and at 
the time was - not able: for they occupied it, and 
fixed their habitations there, and further de 
manded of him the surrender of the city of Sir- 
mium, on this bank of the river, for them to 
settle in ; and threatened, that in case of refusal, 
they would commence a war with him, and de 
vastate the Roman territories. But he would not 
submit to abandon to them so important a city : 


and thereupon they began to assemble, and watch 
for an opportunity of stirring up a war. And 
they also made another bridge, as was said, a 
thing unheard of before, but which they con 
trived to erect, as being bent upon mischief. 
VI. 25. That same year, being the third after the death 
of king Justin, was famous also for the invasion 
of an accursed people, called Slavonians, who 
overran the whole of Greece, and the country of 
the Thessalonians, and all Thrace, and captured 
the cities, and took numerous forts, and devas 
tated and burnt, and reduced the people to sla 
very, and made themselves masters of the whole 
country, and settled in it by main force, and 
dwelt in it as though it had been their own with 
out fear. And four years have now elapsed, and 
still, because the king is engaged in the war with 
the Persians, and has sent all his forces to the 
East, they live at their ease in the land, and 
dwell in it, and spread themselves far and wide 
as far as God permits them, and ravage and burn 
and take captive. And to such an extent do they 
carry their ravages, that they have even ridden 
up to the outer wall of the city, and driven away 
all the king s herds of horses, many thousands in 
number, and whatever else they could find. And 
even to this day, being the year 895 (A. D. 584), 
they still encamp and dwell there, and live in 
peace in the Roman territories, free from anxiety 
and fear, and lead captive and slay and burn: 
and they have grown rich in gold and silver, and 
herds of horses, and arms, and have learnt to 


fight better than the Romans, though at first 
they were but rude savages, who did not venture 
to shew themselves outside the woods and the 
coverts of the trees ; and as for arms, they did 
not even know what they were, with the excep 
tion of two or three javelins or darts. 

But to return to the w r ar between the Romans VI. 26. 
and Persians in the East. After hostilities had 
been carried on for some time, proposals of peace 
were made, and a conference held, at which the 
chief speakers, besides others, were the bishops 
of Nisibis and Resaina ; and also Zacharias the 
Sophist, of the town of Arx Romanorum. There 
was, however, a certain Marzban of the Persians, 
who, being blinded and carried away by pride, 
and confident in his troops, and vain and boastful 
of his courage, advised the king not to give way 
to the Romans, nor make peace with them; For I, 
said he, will immediately enter their territo 
ries, and exterminate them all, and conquer all 
their dominions, and will winter at Antioch/ 
And the king, being elated by these promises, 
and equally full of pride, broke off the confer 
ences. The Marzban, therefore, whose name was 
Tarn Khosrun, the same who had so ignomini- 
ously put the Romans to the rout on a previous 
occasion, collected his troops, and marched 
upon Tela Mauzalat, though there were many 
generals high in command, and chief officers, 
assembled there. And on his arrival, he sur 
rounded the city; but the Roman commanders 
went out to meet him, and especially a bold and 



courageous captain, named Constantine. Now it 
so happened, that the day before he had laid 
hands upon a scout, and examined him closely as 
to Tarn Khosrun s dress, and the part of the army 
in which he would probably be found. And when 
he had learnt every particular, he posted himself 
on one of the wings ; and having caught sight of 
the Marzban in the centre of the Persian army, 
he charged so vigorously at him, that he pe 
netrated into the enemy s ranks, and making 
straight for Tarn Khosrun, smote him with his 
lance, and unseated him, and threw him from 
his horse : and turning his lance, he smote him 
again, and pierced him through. But he was him 
self now surrounded by the Persians, and slain : 
and so Constantine fell, who was not only a brave 
man, but a Christian also, and a believer. But 
when the Persians saw that Tarn Khosrun, on 
whom they relied more than on the king himself, 
was slain, in spite of his boasts that he would 
forthwith take the city by storm, and lodge 
there; and, further, became aware that they were 
hemmed in on all sides by their enemies, they 
turned their backs, and were hotly pursued by 
the Romans and Arabs, who slew and unhorsed 
many of them, to the number, as was said, of se 
veral thousands : but as we do not know the cer 
tainty, nor how to distinguish the truth from the 
false rumours which fly abroad, we have not re 
corded the exact numbers told us. It is certain, 
however, that many of them fell, and three other 
princes were said to have been slain, and all 


their pride was brought to shame. After this 
defeat, they first halted at the river Bethvashi, 
and encamped there three months, waiting for an 
opportunity of renewing the contest : but finding 
themselves unable to stand up against the Ro 
mans, they retreated into their own land in dis 
grace, without having accomplished their pur 
poses. The date of this battle 2 was June, 892 ; 
(A. D. 581.) 

The next chapter repeats almost word for 
word what has been previously recorded respect 
ing Maurice; but as a few new particulars are 
added, it may be worth while giving it entire. 
He tells us, then, that as the Roman generals, VI. 27. 
after the death of the commander-in-chief, Jus 
tinian a the patrician, the son of Germanus, would 
not act in concert, the merciful king Tiberius 
sent Maurice to take the supreme command. 
For as Maurice, like himself, had been a notary, 
and his personal friend in earlier days, now that 
he was king, he promoted him, and gave him 
first of all the office of Comes excubitorum, or 
count of the bodyguard : and next sent him as 
commander-in-chief over all the generals and 
high officers of Rome in the East, with power 
to arrange all military matters, and to enlist 
and dismiss from the service, and act entirely 
at his own discretion. On starting for his post, 

z A short account of it is given by Theoph. Sim. 1. iii. c. 1 8. 
a The MS. reads Constantine, but there can be no doubt that 
Justinian is intended. 



armed with such high powers, a considerable 
number of men followed him, many of whom 
belonged to the excubitores, while others were 
members of the palace-guard. And on arriving 
at Cappadocia, to which country he belonged, 
being a native of Arabissus, he selected there a 
large number of young men, and enlisted them 
under his banner as Romans: he obtained also 
many recruits from the province of Henzit l) , in 
Armenia, upon his arrival there from Syria. 
And first he pitched his camp near the city of 
Citharizon, and the whole Persian land was 
terrified at the first rumours of him : and the 
Marzban, who kept the Persian Armenia, being 
alarmed at what was said of him, and wishing 
to find some excuse for getting away from his 
front, sent to the officers in garrison, in Theodo- 
siopolis, the following artful message : How 
long are we to sit still and watch one another ? 
At the expiration of thirty days, let us prepare 
for battle, and fight, and know who is the con 
queror, and who the conquered. And when they 
had received this message, the officers sent word 
to the count Maurice: and he gave orders that 
they should send in answer, * We will be ready. 
The Romans then relied upon this message, but 
the Marzban and his troops got away in the 
night, and crossed over into the Roman domin 
ions, opposite Maipherkat, and began to pillage 
and burn and slay and take captive, throughout 
the whole district of Sophene and Amid. And 

b Called by Cluverius, Anzitene. 


they penetrated as far as Amid, and surrounded 
it, and besieged it for three days. But when 
they saw that they could not take the city by 
storm, they demanded that gold should be given 
them as ransom for the city, and that they might 
not burn the suburbs. But the people of Amid 
did not believe them, but considered that whe 
ther they received the money or not, they would 
most certainly burn them : and thereupon they 
were angry, and burnt all the churches, and 
the monasteries, great and small, and every 
thing outside the walls, and overran the country 
wherever they could ; and for fifteen days con 
tinued to pillage and lead the inhabitants cap 
tive, and then returned to their land with haste, 
amidst the general panic of the Romans. The 
count Maurice meanwhile, when he heard of 
their inroad, was indignant, and put himself 
at the head of his forces, and entered Syria in 
pursuit of them, but could not overtake them. 
And thence the Roman troops, in heat and 
anger, entered the province of Arzun, and ra 
vaged and burnt and wasted and led captive 
throughout every district there, and carried the 
spoil into the Roman territories, as we have 
mentioned before. And at the king s command 
the captives were sent to the island of Cyprus, 
and divided among the cities and villages : and 
there they dwell unto this day. 

At the time when the main body of the Roman vi. 28. 
troops, under the command of two generals, 


named John and Curis , was engaged in the 
endeavour to protect the Greater Armenia from 
the Persians, and a large Persian force lay in 
front of them, no less than fifty thousand men 
withdrew themselves, and stood aloof, being 
angry and full of complaint, and saying, Un 
less we receive our pay in full, and the divisions 
to which we are each one attached are made 
known to us, so as for us to be assured of our 
posts, not one of us will go out to war, nor will 
we fight with anybody/ And when news of 
this was carried to the king Tiberius, immedi 
ately without delay he sent thither a curator of 
the royal palace of Hormisdas, named Domtzo- 
lus d , and gave him a large sum of gold to divide 
among them, and told him to appease and satisfy 
them : and thereupon they made themselves 
ready for war. Just then it happened that the 
Persian Marzbans sent a message to the Roman 
generals, saying, Why do we thus sit opposite 
one another, and watch one another like women? 
Let us come forth into the plain, and fight with 
one another/ Upon the receipt of this message, 
Curis, the Roman general, being a prudent man, 
and trained under Narses, with whom he had 
made many campaigns in the Roman territories, 
sent in reply, We are not able to fight now, 

c This is probably the Kovps spoken of by Theophylact. 

d I have no doubt that Domnizolus is meant, who is men 
tioned in the Chron. Alex. p. 870, as Curator of the Palace of 
Hormisdas about this time. 


because our whole force is not here at present; 
but if you will come to us, we will do our best 
to meet you, according as our God shall grant 
us the power. And when the Magian people 
had received this answer, they set out with great 
confidence, without being on their guard, or feel 
ing fear of the Romans. And that same day 
Curis quietly prepared only his own division, 
which consisted of about twenty thousand men, 
and at night, just before daybreak, he set out, 
when they in their camp were resting and sleep 
ing without care, and fell upon them, like fire 
that is left in the wood, and as the flame which 
burneth the mountains e : and struck them with 
terror and panic, and put them to the sword, or 
made them prisoners, except a few who escaped. 
Among the prisoners were a Marzban, and his 
son. He further spoiled their camp, and re 
turned in great triumph, bringing with him their 
arms and horses. 

After the death of Khosrun, his son and sue- VI. 29. 
cessor, Hormuzd, in accordance with the old cus 
tom of the Persian kings, of slaying all the 
brothers of the reigning monarch, put some of 
his brethren to death, and blinded the eyes of 
the rest. There was one, however, whom, as 
they said, his father had wished to reign in his 
stead, but the senate rejected him, and refused 
to accept his nomination : and, as was affirmed, 
king Khosrun himself supplied him with money 

e Psalm Ixxxiii. 14, according to the Peschito version. 


for his journey, and sent him away during his 
lifetime, saying to him, fc Go, my son, while I am 
still alive, lest you die. And on his flight, vari 
ous rumours concerning him were spread abroad, 
and he was supposed and reported by his coun 
trymen to be now in one place and now in 
another : and this gave the opportunity to a 
crafty impostor among the Persians, whose youth 
made the personification probable, to allege and 
bring forward proofs, sufficient to induce people 
to believe that he was the son of Khosrun who 
had fled. He came therefore to the Roman ge 
nerals in Persannenia, and said, that he wished 
to make an agreement with them : for if the 
king of the Romans will acknowledge me/ said 
he, and assign me a force, I will subdue all the 
armies and dominions of the Persians, and will 
bring my brother Hormuzd, who has usurped 
my kingdom, and deliver him up bound to your 
king. And when the generals of the Romans 
had fully examined into what he affirmed, and 
he had brought many to testify to his being the 
son of Khosrun, who had fled from his brother, 
being persuaded of its truth, they wrote an ac 
count of him to king Tiberius, detailing the inves 
tigation which they had made, and that they had 
found men who knew him, and bore witness to 
his really being the son of Khosrun, and further 
mentioning his destitute condition. And when 
the victorious king had received their report, and 
believed it, on the evidence reported to him by 
the generals, he immediately sent ambassadors, 


with large sums of gold and silver, and many 
dresses of honour, and horses, and numerous 
mules, to do him all respect, and convey him: 
and he gave orders that he was to be brought 
to the capital, and be escorted through all the 
Roman dominions, by the judges or sheriffs of 
the several districts. And this was done, and 
with great pomp and magnificent honours he 
traversed the provinces like a king ; and Tiberius 
further sent, as he drew near, other especial 
marks of respect. When he arrived however at 
Chalcedon, and was ready to cross over to the 
capital, he was commanded to wait there, as the 
king purposed himself closely to examine his 
claims. For at that time a Spatharius of the 
king of Persia, who had come down to make 
peace with him, was at his court, and he knew 
the son of Khosrun, as also did the ambassadors 
Avhom he had brought with him : and the king, 
therefore, commanded them to cross over, and 
examine him, that he might see whether they 
also knew him, and could prove whether he was 
false or not, that so he might be sure of not 
being cajoled. But on crossing over and seeing 
him, they did not recognise him : and the Spa 
tharius, who was himself a Persian, interrogated 
him at great length, and he could not prove that 
his claim was true. Now he was sitting upon a 
lofty throne, as a king, and the Spatharius went 
up to him, and seized him by the hair, and lifted 
him up, and threw him on the ground, saying, 
fc Do you, an impostor, who are guilty of death, 


sit upon a lofty throne, while the princes of the 
realm stand before you? And he further smote 
him on the head : and thus he brought his false 
hood to light; nor could he make any defence, 
or prove the truth of his claim. The king, there 
fore, gave orders that he should have a place 
appointed for him to remain in, but did not 
punish him as his falsehood deserved ; he even 
assigned him a sum for his maintenance, and 
that of those who were with him, but he would 
not admit him into his presence. It is said that 
the expenses incurred in his behalf amounted to 
more than three talents. Finally, he became a 

VI. 30. From the east our historian now returns to 
the west, and details some particulars of the 
capture of Sirmium, which he describes as the 
inevitable consequence of the Avars having now 
obtained two bridges over the Danube. For 
gathering in great numbers, and occupying the 
country round, with threats of war and devasta 
tion against the Roman territories, they sent to 
king Tiberius, saying, If you would have us for 
friends, give us Sirmium for us to inhabit with 
your consent : for if not, we will take it without 
your consent, and be your enemies/ But the 
king put them off with words and various pro 
mises, as he was altogether unwilling to give the 
city up to them ; and meanwhile he sent secretly 
an embassy to the Lombards, and other tribes, in 
the hope of hiring them, and bringing them upon 
the Avars in the rear. And when they pressed 


their request upon him, he determined, in order 
not to let them know his plans, to send unto 
them Narses, the great Spatharius of the king 
dom, to confer with them, and waste time. 
He supplied him, therefore, liberally with gold, 
besides what Narses took of his own, and gave 
him secret orders not to travel rapidly on his 
journey thither; and should the Lombards come, 
he was to put himself at their head, and fall 
upon them, and, if possible, utterly destroy 
them : while to them he sent this message, Lo, 
we have appointed the illustrious Narses, our 
Spatharius, to come and confer with you, and 
conclude with you a peace. 

The illustrious Narses accordingly started from VI. 31. 
the capital with great pomp, taking with him a 
considerable army, and a large sum in gold, and 
dresses of various materials. To carry them, he 
loaded several ships with articles of every kind, 
and set out upon his voyage over the dangerous 
sea of Pontus ; but one of the vessels, on which 
was embarked most of the gold and his valu 
ables, with one of his chief officers, and a num 
ber of eunuchs placed on board to keep watch 
over her freight, foundered the very first day of 
her voyage ; and on learning this, which was not 
till after he had landed at the mouth of the 
Danube, he was so greatly vexed, that he fell 
into a serious illness, and after suffering for a 
considerable time in bitter mortification, his end 
overtook him, and he died painfully, and all his 
plans came to nothing, without his accomplish- 


ing any part of them whatsoever. And much 
trouble subsequently was occasioned in the en 
deavour to recover his property. 

VI. 32. In consequence of Narses death, Sirmium had 
to be yielded up to the barbarians. For as the 
Lombards, on whom Tiberius depended for mak 
ing a diversion in its favour, did not appear, he 
was compelled to send to the Avars another 
ambassador in the person of the prefect of the 
praetorian guards, named Callistrus. And on his 
arrival he made over to them the city, consider 
ing that it was a more prudent course than for 
it to be captured by war and violence ; for it had 
already endured for two years the extremity of 
famine, and after eating their cattle and beasts 
of burden, they had finally been compelled to 
feed upon cats and other such things, and had 
suffered privations no less hitter than those 
which the Scripture describes as having hap 
pened at* Samaria. People speak also of the com 
passion shown by the barbarians to the inhabit 
ants, on seeing the pitiable condition to which 
they were reduced by famine, and which well 
deserves the admiration of Christians, whose 
conduct too frequently it condemns ; because 
they do not show kindness to their fellow-ser 
vants, nor pity those of their own flesh. For 
when, upon entering the city, they saw the 
mortal misery of the people, they had compas 
sion upon them, and gave them bread to eat and 
wine to drink. But when, after the emptiness of 
hunger, endured for a period so protracted as 


two years, they seized upon the food and ate it 
greedily, many immediately fell down suddenly 
dead. Finally, the survivors had to depart from 
the city, and the barbarians took possession of it, 
and dwelt there. 

About a year, however, after the barbarians VI. 33. 
had occupied this Christian city, a fire broke out, 
from what cause God alone knows, and sud 
denly it was brought to ruin, and became the 
prey of the flames ; and as the barbarians nei 
ther knew how to prevent its progress, nor ex 
tinguish it, they all fled without being able to 
save any of their property, and abandoned it, 
and it was burnt, and utterly ruined. And many 
other occurrences in its history would be inter 
esting to relate, but because of the length of 
our narrative, we have been compelled to omit 

For what we have attempted has been nothing VI. 34. 
more than briefly to record some special inci 
dents in the wars which have been successively 
carried on, and into the exact truth of which we 
have carefully examined ; and thus we have de 
scribed the attack of the illustrious patrician 
Marcian upon the town of Nisibis, and the events 
which followed. And next, we have shown how 
Khosrun, at the head of his armies, crossed over 
into the Roman territories, and took Dara and 
Apamsea by siege, and various other towns. 
Next came the arrival of the illustrious Maurice 
in the east with great pomp ; and we described 
the fear which fell upon the whole Magian people, 


and how, in the hope of deceiving him, they 
crossed over by stealth into the Roman territo 
ries in the neighbourhood of Maipherkat, and 
rapidly carried fire and sword for fifteen days 
throughout every part of Sophene, and as far as 
Amid ; and when they saw that they could not 
take the city by storm, in barbarous fury they 
set fire to and burnt all its suburbs, and the 
churches, and monasteries, and every thing else 
situated there. And carrying with them their spoil, 
they hastily returned to their own land. We 
next related how count Maurice, on learning 
these things, was greatly enraged, and pursued 
them, but could not overtake them, and pro 
ceeded with haste into the land of Arzun, and 
burnt and destroyed and took captive and car 
ried away such of the inhabitants as he did not 
kill, and brought them into the Roman territo 
ries, and that finally they were sent to the island 
of Cyprus. He also stormed several fortresses 
there, one of which, named Pum, he occupied, 
and placed in it a Roman garrison : but the fort 
opposite, the name of which is Klimar, is still 
held by the Persians, who paid Maurice a sum 
for its ransom ; and the two garrisons dwell in 
face of one another, but they have come to an 
agreement, and mutually give and take without 

VI. 35- There was also another fort which count Mau 
rice took measures for building upon a lofty and 
strong mountain, named Shemkoroth, whence 
the fort also took its name ; and he put a garri- 


son into it, and supplies of provisions, and took 
measures for its safety in every thing. This fort 
then of Shemkoroth is situated in the Roman 
dominions ; and the building of it was intrusted 
to an architect to whom Maurice had sent orders 
for its erection while he was himself in Persia, 

There was also another fort, named Oeba, on VI. 36. 
the river Chalat in Persia, the history of which 
is as follows : On the bank of this river, on the 
borders opposite Maipherkat, is a precipitous hill, 
which for many years the perverse race of the 
Magians had been anxious to seize upon as a site 
for a fortress ; but as there is a compact between 
the Romans and the Persians, extending to a 
certain number of miles from the border, neither 
the one nor the other had the right to build 
there ; and therefore the Romans resisted them, 
and would not suffer them to erect any works upon 
it. For the building of the fort was often begun, 
and as often prevented. But once upon a time, 
as we have related before, the Persians found an 
opportunity, and built a fort there, and garri 
soned it. But after some years had elapsed, the 
Roman armies attacked it, and under the com 
mand of a general named Aulus, they invested it 
on all sides, and commenced a blockade. And in 
process of time the garrison was reduced to such 
extremities of hunger and thirst, that their lives 
were all but exhausted ; and on seeing that they 
could hold out no longer, they requested that 
their lives might be assured them, and that they 
should neither be seized nor made captives, nor 


taken into the Roman dominions ; and upon 
these terms they said that they were willing to 
yield up the fort, and withdraw. And the gene 
rals accepted the terms, and gave them the re 
quired promise, upon which they opened the 
gates, and came down ; but upon meeting with 
water, and drinking of it, so many of them 
suddenly fell down dead, that but few finally re 
turned to their country. Upon the surrender of 
the fortress, the general and his army ascended 
to it, and rased it to the ground, leaving not one 
stone upon another, but utterly destroying it, 
and casting the materials down from the moun 
tain top. Before its capture, other generals and 
a large force had been collected, and they were 
posted some here and some there, in various 
places, and took the watch in turn. The capture 
of Ocba took place in the year 894 (A. D. 583). 

Of the remaining thirteen chapters of the book 
but a fragment exists, and it contains little more 
than is told us in the headings, all of which are 
still extant. From them we learn that an em 
bassy was sent to Maurice, now emperor of the 
Romans, to sue for peace ; and that he in return 
sent an ambassador to the Persian court, which 
was followed by a second embassy to Constanti 
nople. The fortieth chapter contained a state 
ment of the mutual losses sustained by the two 
states of Rome and Persia during the ruinous 
wars occasioned by the weak policy of Justin : 
and this was succeeded by an account of the rise 


and subsequent decline of the kingdom of the 
Roman Arabs, occasioned possibly to some extent 
by the defection of several of their leading 
princes to the Persians. Next, there was the 
capture of some famous Marzbans, who were sent 
as prisoners of war to the capital. The forty- 
fourth chapter detailed the history of another 
war, waged probably with the Persians in the 
third year (of Maurice), and of the victory which 
God gave the Romans. The next three treated 
of the base, barbarian, long-haired people/ called 
Avars, who invaded Thrace, captured many cities, 
and numerous forts, and carried terror and alarm 
to the very walls of Constantinople, at a time, 
when, says our historian, we ourselves were 
there. The forty-eighth chapter gave an account 
of the manner in which the land was taken pos 
session of, and wasted by the Slavonians: and 
the forty-ninth, and last, recorded the destruction 
of the city of Anchialus, and described the warm 
baths there. 

It seems plain that these chapters were penned 
one by one as the events themselves occurred, 
and probably they were brought to an abrupt 
conclusion by the death of the good old man who 
wrote them. Little did he foresee that the pru 
dent and victorious Maurice, together with his 
sons, and among them that Theodosius, whose 
birth in the purple, after so long a series of 
childless sovereigns, he had so rejoiced in, would 
perish by the hand of the executioner: and thnt 


the daughter of Tiberius, the one emperor whose 
name no stain or spot denies, would be dragged, 
with her children, amidst the apathy of the popu 
lace, to the same cruel fate. Scarcely too could 
he have foreseen, that before many years had 
elapsed the Avars would lay siege to the capital 
itself; while across the strait, the hosts of an 
other Khosrun encamped within the walls of 
Chalcedon, and, fresh from the conquests of Syria 
and Asia, would insult the city which still called 
itself by the proud name of Eastern Rome. And 
behind there was a yet darker hour : for the two 
empires, which had so long struggled for the 
mastery of the world, were about to fall before 
a kingdom and a creed which were but just 
struggling into existence. 

With the victorious Khosrun the throne of 
Cyrus perished, and Arab Chalifs reigned upon 
the Tigris and Euphrates: while Heraclius had 
to yield to the partisans of the same conquering 
faith the provinces which his heroic vigour had 
wrested from the Persian arms. But these dark 
scenes of history our author did not live to be 
hold : he had suffered under the cruelties of the 
weakest of the effeminate despots who held sway 
at Constantinople : he had had the happiness of 
living for four years under the government of the 
best : and Maurice, though with colder affections, 
endeavoured to tread in his steps. His last days 
were calm and tranquil : his last hopes pictured 
perhaps a new era of prosperity for his country, 


and of peace for the church : but his own history 
shews that the times were ripe for punishment. 
The salt had lost its savour: and nothing re 
mained but for it to be cast unto the dunghill, 
and trodden under foot of men. 


G g 2 



ABRAHAM, monastery of, 17, note. 

Acacius Archelaus, successor of Marcian, 368. 

Acephali, subdivision of Monophysites, 58. 

Achudemes, first Catholicus of Monophysites in Persia, 418, 
420, note. 

Accemetce, monks so called, 23, note. 

Adormahun, captures Apamea, 385. invades Mesopotamia, 406. 
and Osrhoene, 414. 

Adultery, term applied to bishops who invade sees of others, 269. 
or are translated, ib. note. 

Advent of Christ, daily expected, 366. 

JEtherius, the accursed, 140. 

Alexandria, chief seat of Monophysites, 69. its leading men and 
shipowners summoned to the capital, ib. two Monophysite 
patriarchs elected there, 70, 264, 266. clergy arrested and 
sent to Constantinople, 70, 295. set free by intercession of 
Mondir, 304. succession of patriarchs, 77. manner of iim-ti- 
ture of patriarch, 275, note, three rival patriarchs there, 308. 
spite of clergy against Longinus, 3 1 6. embassy to kings of 
Nobadse and Alodsei, 316, 317. their letter, 318. 

Alodsei, their conversion, 314, 316. their king requests that 
Longinus may be sent to him, 319. his letter to the king of 
the Nubians, 320. 

Ambassadors to Persia, 128. their exertions for Paul, 293. ac 
count of their proceedings, 403, 421. to Turks, 424. 

Amid, its suburbs burnt by Persians, 437, 446. 

Anastasius, the quaestor, 30. possessed by an evil spirit, 139. 

Anastasius, patriarch of Antioch, 79. 

Anastasiopolis, see Dara. 

454 INDEX. 

Anatolius, governor of Edessa, a heathen, 210. his artifice, 211. 
inserts image of Apollo in picture of Christ, 214. his execu 
tion, 223. 

Andrew, the queen s pursebearer, i o i . 

Angel, an, dictates Justin s speech to Tiberius, 172. 

Anthiraus, patriarch of Constantinople, 82. 

Antioch, succession of patriarchs, 78. 

Antipatra, banished to a nunnery, 1 09. 

Antonina, wife of Belisarius, 66. 

Apamsea, its capture, 385. 

Arabissus, rebuilt by Maurice, 361. destroyed by an earthquake, 


Arabs of Hirah arid Ghassan, 244, diss. 

Armenia, revolt of, 118 seqg. returns to its allegiance, 402. 

Arians, their persecution, 354. 

Arzun, invaded by Maurice, 411, 437, 446. Christian captives 
taken there sent to Cyprus, 412. 

Askalon, bishop of, tortured by Photius, 67. 

Assyrians, Persians so called, 385, note. 

Athanasius, grandson of Theodora, founds a heresy, 51. his legacy 
to Conon, 59. 

Augustaticum, what, 185, note. 

Avars pillage Thrace, 142. account of them, 428. build a 
bridge over the Danube, 430. demand Sirmium, 431, 442. 
it is delivered to them, 444. their kindness to the be 
sieged, ibid. 


Baalbec, persecution of Christians there, 209. 

Believers, name of Monophysites, 6, note, et passim. 

Bethvashi, river, 435. 

Bostra, besieged by sons of Mondir, 241. 

Bread, aproi TroXm/coi, 159, 190, note. 


Caesar, title of successor designate to Byzantine empire, 72. 

Callistrus sent to surrender Sirmium to Avars, 444. 

Campagi, what, 56, note. 

Captives, taken by Khosrun, their message to Tiberius, 416. 

Cartamin, monastery of, 291, note. 

Catenae, their use forbidden by Scripture, 63. 

INDEX. ,-- 

Catholicus, chief ecclesiastical dignitary of Armenia, .18 C of 
Dovin takes refuge at Constantinople, 125. communicates by 
error with synodites, 126. his death, ibid. C. of Nestorians 
m Persia, 418. of orthodox, 420. 

Cellarius, what, 112, note. 

Chalat, river in Persia, 447. 

Chalcoprateia, quarter in Constantinople, 196, note. 

Chancel, iepariiov, appropriated to presbyters, 1 1. 

Ciborium, used in all the churches of Constantinople, 362. 

Cometes, head of diaconate, 115. 

, interpreter at Dara, 381. 

Condobaudites, 49, seqq., 65. 

Conon, heresiarch, 49, seqq. 

Constantine, slays Tarn Khosrun, 434. 

Constantinople, riot at, 216. 

Cross, adoration of, 139. 

Curis, or Curs, his troops mutiny, 438. defeats the Persians, 

Cyril of Alexandria, his reconciliation with John of Antioch, 24. 


Dalmatus, monastery of, 104. 

Damianus, patriarch of Alexandria, 78. rejects Tritheites, 62. 
founds a sect, ib. originally an ascetic at Mount Thabor, 290, 
note, endeavours to consecrate a patriarch of Antioch, 301. 
his ridiculous escape, 303. consents at Constantinople to a re 
conciliation, 304. breaks it, 306. 

Dara, its siege, 379. capture, 382. account of, 407, note. 

Derira, monastery of, 230. 

Deuterius, bishop of Caria, 159. 

Diaconates, i u, 113. 

Diacrinomeni, see Distinguishes. 

Dios, monastery of, 17, note. 

Diptycks, their use, 79, 108, 

Distinguishers, why so called, 187, note, 354. 

Domitian, bishop of Melitene, prime minister of Maurice, 356. 

Domtzolus, or Domnizolus, sent to appease mutiny in army in 
Armenia, 438. 

Donativum, what, 185, note. 

Dorotheus, Julianist pope of Alexandria, 77. 

456 INDEX. 

Dovin, capital of Armenia, 118. 
Dreara of Monk, 12. 


Elephants, their Christian behaviour, 162. 

Elisha, bishop, refuses to be reconsecrated, 17. imprisoned in 
patriarch s palace, 23. 

Embassy, see Ambassadors. 

Ephesus, synod of, called Synod of the East, 79. 

Ephraim of Amid, patriarch of Antioch, 79. 

Eubulus, hospice of, 90, note. 

Eudsemon, the consul, 107. 

Eugenius, associate of Conon in consecrating Tritheite bishops, 
53. his death, 59. 

Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria, 77. accused of sacrificing to 
Jupiter, 213. 

Euphrasius, patriarch of Antioch, 79. 

Eustochius, bishop of Jerusalem, his murder, 227. 

Eutychius, patriarch of Constantinople, 82. his deposition, 2. 
his miracles, and restoration, 134. destroys his predecessor s 
pictures, 134, and persecutes his relatives, 145. makes a 
catena upon the two natures, 146, 197. defends the Atha- 
nasians, 147. persecutes the orthodox, 150,, 200. writes a 
new antiphon, 155. wishes to alter the Trishagion, 156, 198. 
rumours of his miracles, 195. adopts heresy of John Gram- 
maticus, ib. is tormented by a devil, 196. his pride, 198, and 
death, 233. refuses audience to Alexandrine elergy, 295. 

Execution, barbarous method of at Constantinople, 2 1 8. 


Flavianus, patriarch of Antioch, 78. 

Fravian, slave of Andrew, 151. persecutes orthodox, ib. 


Gaianus, patriarch of Alexandria, his election and tenets, 275, 

Georgia, viraTio-va, 109. 

Goths, in Roman service, 188, 207. wish for a church in which 
their wives may worship as Arians, 189. 

Gregory, patriarch of Antioch, 79. accused of sacrificing to Ju 
piter, 213. his trial, 225. builds a hippodrome, 226. 

INDEX. .j;,7 


Harith, king of the Arabs, character of, 370. 

Heathen, persecution of, 209. inquisition after, 223. 

Hebdomum, what, 350, note. 

Hermits, ^Egyptian, supposed to know futurity, 70. sent for to 

foretell future events to Justin and Sophia, ib. 
Hirah, signifies a camp, 245. applied to capital of Ghassaimk- 

Arabs, 285, and of Persian Arabs, 378. 
Hormisdas, palace of, 103, note. 
Hormuzd, succeeds Khosrun, 423. his pride, ib. slays or blinds 

his brothers, 439. 
Hosannahs, week of, 4, note. 
Hypatia, what, i8j. note. 


Ino, wife of Tiberius, 180 seqq. her hostility to the orthodox, 


Jacob Burdoho, Baradaeus, or Zanzalus, founder of sect of the 
Jacobites, his simplicity, 273. admits Paul to communion, 274. 
disapproves of Peter s election at Alexandria, 275, bis visit 
there, 278, and marvellous death, 291, 332. 

Jacobites and Paulites, their reconciliation, 279. 

John, Ascunages, founder of Tritheites, 5 i. 

the consul, 107. ambassador to Persia, 293, 403. 

of Ephesus, one of the four bishops, 23. rejects Trithei 
tes, 53. his office at Constantinople, 16. warns Conon, 60. 
refuses Stephan s mediation, 91. plagued with gout and ver 
min, 92. sees a vision. 94. banished to an island, 99. com 
pelled to give up a hall which he had converted into a monas 
tery, 157. dispute about the furniture, 158. apologizes for 
want of arrangement in his narrative, 163. is imprisoned in 
the chancery, 192. was a fellow-courtier with Tiberius 202. 
superintendant of the heathen, 229. his missionary labours, 
230 seqq. refuses to communicate with Peter, patriarch of 
Antioch, 309. his letters to Jacob Zanzalus, 311. 

the Faster, patriarch of Constantinople, 234. his 

habits, 235. refuses to persecute, 353, 360. 

John Grammaticus, see John Philoponus. 

John Nesteustes, see John the Faster. 

458 INDEX. 

John, the patrician, patriarch of Antioch, 77, 295. 

Philoponus, his works, 51, 57. 

Scholasticus, of Sirmin, or Sirimis, patriarch of Constanti 
nople, 82. a lawyer, 2. persecutes bishop Elisha, [7. whips 
Stephan, 18. his debates with the four bishops, 23. offers 
them bishoprics, 45. his pictures obliterated after his death, 
72. rebuffed by Tiberius, ib. 187. testimony to Monophysites, 
ib. 187. illness, 74. punishment and death, 132. 

Julian, the prefect, his method of punishing rioters, 221. 

missionary to Nubia, 251, 315. sufferings from the heat, 

255. return and death, 256. 

Juliana, banished to a nunnery, 109. 

Julianists, who, 78, note. 

Julius Caesar, church history begins with, 3. 

Justin II, emperor, forbids re-consecration of bishops, 21. draws 
up articles of faith, 28. visits the warm baths, 44. offers vacant 
sees to Monophysites, 45. consults Egyptian fortunetellers, 
71. his chastisement, 164. amusements devised to beguile his 
madness, 169. strikes the patriarch, ib. speech to Tiberius, 
172. painful death, 177. figure of Venus on his coins, 192. 
his buildings, 204. statues of himself and Sophia, 20^. pha 
ros, ib. tries to murder Mondir, 372. length of reign and date 
of death, 349. 

Justinian, emperor, bears expenses of John s mission and of new 
churches in Asia, 231. rebuffs bishop of Tralles, 233. sends 
a counter mission to Nubia, 251. date of death, 349. 

son of Germanus, the patrician, declines battle with 

Khosrun, 395. has 60,000 Lombards in his service, 407. his 
death followed by want of concert among the generals, 435. 


Khosrun, Nushirwan, 119. invades Armenia, 391, and Cappa- 
docia, 392. burns Sebaste, 393. loses his baggage, 394. 
burns Melitene, 395. defeated on the Euphrates, 397. his law 
that kings of Persia shall only go in person to war with an 
other king, 398. his eulogy, 417. readiness to make peace, 

pretended son of, 440. detected by Persian Spatha- 

rius, 441. kindly treated by Tiberius, 442. 

Klimar, fort of, 446. 

INDEX. 459 


Lombards, sixty thousand serve under Justinian in the east, 407. 
Tiberius endeavours to hire them to attack Avars, 442. 

Longinus, chaplain to pope Theodosius, 250. missionary to 
Nubia,, 256. invited to consecrate pope of Alexandria, 258. 
consecrates Theodore, 263. his journey to Syria, 285. returns 
to Nubia, 316. travels on to the Alodsei, 319. his letter to 
king of Nubia, 321. 


Magister, title at Constantinople, 403 note, 417. 

Magnus, his treachery, 237. and death, 242. 

Maipheracta, or Maipherkat, account of, 41 o,note. ford of, 436,446. 

Makoritse, endeavour to prevent Longinus reaching Alodsea, 3 19. 

Marcian, the patrician, besieges Nisibis, 367. deprived of com 
mand, 368. reason of Justin s antipathy to, 372. 

Marianum, church of believers there, 194. 

Mary, Blessed Virgin, her church at Blachernae, 1 15. her robe, 
ib., note. 

Marzban, meaning of, 121, note. 

Maurice, Ccesar, 350. emperor, 351. marries Tiberius daughter, 
ibid, birth of a son in the purple, ibid, his nepotism, 355. 
want of money, 357. stinginess, 358. rebuilds Arabissus, 361. 
originally a notary, 435. made commander-in-chief, 408, 435. 
enlists a large army, 409, 436. invades Arzun, 411, 437, 446. 
his quarrel with Mondir, 413. his forts, 446. 

Mennas, patriarch of Constantinople, 82. 

Minas, or Mennas, S., description of his church, 261, note. 
Monasteries at Constantinople, 6. 

Mondir, the Arab, son of Harith, accused of treachery to Mau 
rice, 236. betrayed by Magnus, 237. carried to Constanti 
nople, 239. dissertation upon, 244, seqq. endeavours to re 
concile Paul and Jacob, 284, 294. effects a compromise, 297. 
first visit to Constantinople, ibid, leaves with great honour, 
304. stops persecution at Antioch, 305. his victories, 305, 
370, 378, 415. asks Justin for a subsidy, 372. Justin plans his 
murder, ib. the letter falls into his hands, 373- reconciliation, 


Monks, tried for murder before civil courts, 288. 
Monophysites, their patriarchs, l. creed, 7, 39> 61. numer- 


460 INDEX. 


Narses, rejects Tritheites, 54. his monastery of Cathara, 7<j. 

Grand Spatharius, his embassy to Avars, 443. his trea 
sures shipwrecked, ib. dies of vexation, ib. 

Nestorians, strict, who, 30. discussion in Persia with Monophy- 
sites, 418. 

Nice, nineteenth canon of council of, 21, 2<J. 

Nisibis, besieged by Marcian, 367. siege raised, 369. 

Nobadae, or Nubians, their conversion, 250. letter of king of to 
Theodore, pope of Alexandria, 324. 

Noman, son of Mondir, avenges his father, 240. 

Nubia, its geography, 338, diss. Christian inscriptions, $^i,seqq. 

Nuns, constancy of two sisters, 152. refuse to permit alteration 
of Trishagion, 199. indignation at disorderly burial of Paul, 



Ocba, fort of, 447. 

(Ecumenical bishop, title assumed by patriarchs of Constanti 
nople, 10, 1 6. 

Orthodox, name assumed by Monophysites, 6, note, et passim. 


Pamphylia, possessed by Monophysites, ^8. 

Patriarch s palace, a prison, 17, 23, 36. its internal discipline, 37. 

Paul of Antioch, founder of diaconates, 1 14. 

, the black, patriarch of Antioch, one of the four bishops, 

23. his quarrel with Jacob, 8r. imprisonment, 85. writes a 
history, ibid, consents to communion with Synodites, 87. 
flight, 89. consent of distant bishops required to his reception 
to communion, 260. Asseman s account of him, ibid., note. 
his act of penitence, 274. received back into communion, ibid. 
deposed by Peter, pope of Alexandria, 278. schism which fol 
lowed, 281. his moderation, 284. retires (as was supposed) 
into mountains of Isauria, 312. concealed near Constantinople, 
327. his death, 329. and burial, 330. 

the Jew, patriarch of Antioch, 79. 

metropolitan of Aphrodisias, his reconsecration, 14. nick 
named c the double-dyed/ ib. his lamentation, and death, 15, 
1 6. recantation, ib. 

Pearl, what, 105. 

INDEX. 461 

Persians, artifice to deceive Maurice, 436. 

Peter, patriarch of Alexandria, 78. consecrates seventy or eighty 

bishops, ib., 269. deposes Paul of Antioch, 278. 
, of Callinicus, patriarch of Antioch, 81, 309. endeavours 

to appease schism, 334. 

the consul, 107. ambassador to Persia, 293, 403. 

Photius, son of Belisarius, 52, 66. 

Physicians, their cowardice, 177. and infidelity, 360. 

Pictures in churches, 9, 134. 

Pum, fort of, 446. 


Rabula, monastery of, 1 1 1 . 

Reordination of priests and bishops, 1 1 . 

Resaina, see Theodosiopolis. 

Romans, defeat of by Tarn Khosrun, 399. ascribed to their cru 
elty to Christians, 401. 

Romanus, head of diaconate, 115. 

Rome, respect for, 42. archdeacon of, demands inquiry into claims 
of Eutychius and John, 144. 

Rufinus, high-priest of Jupiter, 210. death, 211. 


St. Martin, his account of revolt of Armenia, i 29, note. 
Sampson, hospital of, 83. 

Sapor, granted liberty of faith to Armenia, 121. 
Scete, desert of, magnificence of hermits there, 26], note. 
Sea of weeds, what, 319, note. 
Secretum, what, 36, note. 
Sergius, first Monoph. patriarch of Antioch, 81. 

persecution of two of the name, 1 10. 

Severus of Antioch, chief Monoph. authority, 51, 55- his elec 

tion, 78. 

Shemkoroth, fort, 446. 
Sirmin, or Sirimis, village near Antioch, 4. 
Sirmium, surrendered to Avars, 444. famine endured by the I 

sieged, ib. destroyed by fire, 445. 
Slavonians occupy Greece, 432. 
Sophene ravaged by Persians, 436, 446. 
Sophia, empress, niece of Theodora, originally a Monophysii 

105. her conversion, 106. considers Justin s malady a pum; 

ment for his neglect of her, 171. refuses to admit Tiberius 

462 INDEX. 

wife into the palace, 178. intends to marry Tiberius, 179. 

forbids ladies of Constantinople to pay respects to the Caesar s 

wife, 1 80. plots against Tiberius, 183. secretes large sums of 

gold, 184. her ill temper, 185. quarrels with Tiberius about 

finishing Justin s pharos, 206. 
Spatharius, Persian, detects the pretended son of Khosrun, 441. 

grand, see Narses. 

Stephan, bishop of Cyprus, his beating, 1 8. outcry at reconse- 

cration, 22. one of the four bishops, 23. intercedes for Paul, 

87. sent to John of Ephesus, 90. 
Stylites, what, 3 1 4, note. 
Syncellus, what, no, note. 
Synodites, name of followers of council of Chalcedon, 6, note. 


Tarn Khosrun defeats the Romans, 399. attacks Tela, 433. is 
slain, 434. 

Tela, or Tela Mauzalat, account of, 407, note, besieged by Tarn 
Khosrun, 433. 

Telbesme, account of, 407, note. 

Thallus, head of diaconate, 114. 

Theodora, empress, wife of Justinian, a Monophysite, i. her mea 
sures for the conversion of Nubia, 25 r. 

Theodore, abbot of Rhamnis, patriarch of Alexandria, 77. con 
secrated by Longinus, 262. his gentleness, 271, 313. com 
plains of neglect, 314, 328. visits Cyprus, ib. 

the patrician, ambassador to Persia, 293, 403. 

bishop of Philse, takes the oversight of Nubia, 255, 

315. appoints Longinus his proxy, 259. 

secretary of Anatolius, 213. confesses human sacri 

fices of patriarch of Antioch, ib. dies in prison, 214, 223. 

son of, burnt to death in a boat, 2 1 8. 

the silentiary, taken by Khosrun to Theodosiopolis, 

391. his answer, 392, note. 
Theodosiopolis, account of, 124, 407, note. 
Theodosius, patriarch of Alexandria, exiled by Justinian, 2. his 

influence at Constantinople, ib. 250. election and deposition, 

275, note. 

chief presbyter of clergy of Alexandria, his death, 296. 

Theodulus, his theft of alms-money, and detection, 136. 

INDEX. 4<;,{ 

Theophilus, his mission to punish the heathen, 209. 
Tiberius, cross-examines John of Sirmin about the Monophysites, 
72,. 187. refuses to persecute, 73. is made Caesar, 172, 350. 
surnamed Constantine, 175. places his wife in the palace of 
Hormisdas. 1/9. his romantic marriage, 180,208. lavishness, 
185. accused of Arianism, 188. orders Arians to be perse 
cuted, 189. remits taxes, 190. a cross on his coins, 192. not 
to be blamed for permitting Eutychius to persecute, 201. his 
gentleness, 203. buildings, 204. wars, 207. hires the Goths, 
ib. death, 243, 350. neglects rescue of Christian captives, 41 7. 
exacts hard terms of peace from Khosrun, 404, 423. 

Timus Esthartus, same as Greek Timostratus, 380. 

Trajan, synonymous with persecutor, 222. dread of Persians at 
his statue, 427. 

Tralles, heathen temple near, converted into a monastery, 230. 
claimed by bishop, 232. 

Tritheites, 50, seqq. 

Turks,, Khosrun sends them two thousand Christian maidens, 388. 
embassy to them, 424. 


Vardun, or Vartan, the Mamigonean, leader of Armenian revolt, 
129, note, remains at Constantinople, 403. 

Virgins, two thousand selected for the Turks, 387. their death, 

39 W. 

Week, names of days of, in Syriac, 4, note. 


Zacharias, the sophist, 28. accompanies ambassadors to Persia, 

403. 433- 

Zeno, emperor, his Henoticon, 58, note. 
Zeuxippus, at Constantinople, what, 205, note. 

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No. 1. THE CAVE IN THE HILLS; or, Caecilius Viriathus. 
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the Seventeenth Century. 

No. 7. THE RIVALS : a Tale of the Anglo-Saxon Church. 
No . 9.-THE QUAY OF THE DIOSCURI : a Talc of Niccne L 

8 NEW THEOLOGICAL WO11KS, (continued}. 


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1 6 





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WITH the present year of our Lord, 1859, Sylvanus Urban closes 
his 207th volume, and the 128th year of his literary existence. 
This is a length of days that, so far as he knows, has never before been 
attained by a Journalist; but he ventures to affirm, with thankfulness as 
well as some degree of self-complacency, that he is still in a green old 
age, and that to his thinking the time is yet very distant when, to borrow 
the words of one of his earliest and most valued friends, it may be said 
of him " Superfluous lags the veteran on the stage." 

The times, it is readily allowed, have greatly changed since Sylvanus 
Urban first solicited public attention, but it may be fairly doubted whether 
the tastes and habits of thought of the educated classes to whom he ad 
dresses himself have changed in a like degree. Hence he does not fear 
that History and Antiquities, in their widest sense, can ever become unpalat 
able to them, but, on the contrary, he is glad to mark an increased avidity 
in pursuing such studies. This is a state of things that he thinks he may 
claim a considerable share in bringing about, and the steady progress of 
which he is desirous of forwarding by all available means. He alludes to 
the growing appreciation of the Past, as the key to the understanding of 
the Present, and (in a sense) of the Future, as testified by the formation 
of Archaeological and Literary Societies, which have already achieved 
much good, and may do still more ; and as a means to that end, he will, in 
the coming year, devote a portion of his pages, under the title of "* ANTI 
QUARIAN AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCER," to a record of their progress. 

Sylvanus Urban therefore ventures to suggest to the Councils of such 
Societies, that if brief reports of their proceedings and publications are 
systematically supplied to the GENTLEMAN S MAGAZINE, where they will 
be always highly acceptable, an interchange of knowledge and good offices 
may thus be established between learned bodies in the most distant parts 
of the Empire an interchange that does not now exist, but the want of 
which few will be found to deny. 

It has ever been the desire of Sylvanus Urban to see his CORRESPON 
DENCE a leading feature in his pages, and he has had the gratification of 
reckoning many of the most erudite men of the time as his fellow-workers, 
who have, through him, conveyed an invaluable amount of knowledge to 
the world. He invites those of the present day to imitate them. Another 
important feature has been, and will be, the OBITUARY, to the completeness 
of which he requests friends or relatives to contribute by communicating 
fitting notices of eminent persons daily removed by the hand of death from 
among us. He believes that he shall not be disappointed in the extent of 
this friendly co-operation, but, on the contrary, that the increasing number 
of his contributors may render the motto that he has so long borne more 
than ever applicable : "E pluribus Unum" 

All Communications to be addressed to MR. URBAN, 377, STRAND, W.C. 


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